Maths teacher asked Muslim pupil if she 'had a bomb under her hijab'
New Age Islam News Bureau
26 March 2025
· Maths teacher asked Muslim pupil if she 'had a bomb under her hijab'
· Afghan women risk Taliban ire over hair trade
· Young Women in Afghanistan Driven to Suicide Amid Widespread Frustration
· Iran and Its Proxies' Oppression of Women
· Pilgrimage to Politics: What Drove Muslim Women to Travel the World
· Switzerland enforces first nationwide ‘burqa ban’ fine amid ongoing controversy
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/muslim-bomb-teache-hijab-asked/d/134984
------
Maths teacher asked Muslim pupil if she 'had a bomb under her hijab'
25 Mar 2025
Damon Wilkinson
Mark Holland made the comments while teaching at Great Academy Ashton(Image: Manchester Evening News)
-------------
A secondary school teacher asked a Muslim pupil if she had a bomb under her hijab, a disciplinary tribunal heard.
Mark Holland's comments were described as 'insensitive and inappropriate' but he has not been banned from the classroom. A Teaching Regulation Agency panel heard the maths teacher made a string of offensive comments to pupils at Great Academy Ashton in Ashton-under-Lyne, Tameside between March and December 2022.
He told one 'In 10 years' time you're going to have nine kids to nine different dads' and called another a 'dumb blonde'. The TRA panel heard he also dubbed a different student 'The Liar' and told a another girl she 'could do better' in reference to her boyfriend.
Mr Holland's conduct 'fell short of the standards of behaviour expected of a teacher', the panel said, but ruled it 'did not meet the threshold for serious misconduct'. His comments to the hijab-wearing pupil, who he also called 'The Nun', were 'not racially motivated but were likely to be religiously insensitive'.
Mr Holland, who left the school in September 2023 following a disciplinary hearing, did not 'intend to be malicious or unkind' but rather had 'misjudged the content of the conversations as an easy way way to build a rapport with pupils'.
Several other allegations against Mr Holland, who had worked at the school since November 2018, were found not proven and the panel heard he continued to dispute some of the claims against him.
He was of previously good character within the profession, had 'willingly apologised' for the allegations he had admitted and would now 'adjust the manner in which he engaged pupils and would not be as open or social with pupils again'.
In a written ruling the TRA said Mr Holland's conduct was 'not consistent with behaving as an appropriate role model to students' and could bring the profession into disrepute. But decision maker Sarah Buxcey ruled that banning him from the classroom would 'not be proportionate or in the public interest'.
She wrote: "I consider that the publication of the findings made would be sufficient to send an appropriate message to the teacher as to the standards of behaviour that were not acceptable and that the publication would meet the public interest requirement of declaring proper standards of the profession."
Source:manchestereveningnews.co.uk
https://www.manchestereveningnews.co.uk/news/greater-manchester-news/maths-teacher-asked-muslim-pupil-31278616
-------
Afghan women risk Taliban ire over hair trade
March 26, 2025
STRESS OVER TRESSES A shopkeeper displays women's wigs at his shop in Afghanistan’s capital Kabul on March 13, 2025. AFP PHOTO
-----------
KABUL — Until Taliban authorities took power in Afghanistan, women like Fatima were able to freely sell their hair to be made into wigs, bringing in crucial cash.
But a ban last year has forced the 28-year-old and others to covertly trade hair — collected from shower drains or the salon floor — braving the risk of punishment, one strand at a time.
"I need this money," said Fatima, 28, one of the few women still in paid private employment in the Afghan capital Kabul after the Taliban regained control in August 2021. "I can treat myself to something or buy things for the house."
The woman, who withholds her last name for security reasons, sells every 100 grams of hair for little more than $3, a small addition to her monthly salary of $100.
Buyers who want to export the locks for wig production abroad "would knock on our doors to collect" the hair, she said.
One of those buyers is a man, who also requested anonymity, sending the manes to Pakistan and China.
Taliban authorities have cracked down on the rights of women, imposing what the United Nations calls a "gender apartheid."
They banned women and girls from universities and schools, effectively strangling their employment hopes.
Women have also been barred from parks and gyms, while beauty salons have been shut down.
Last year, Taliban authorities imposed vice and virtue laws regulating everyday life for men and women, including banning sales of "any part of the human body," including hair.
They have not said what the punishment for violations would be.
"We must respect the appearance that God has given to humans and preserve their dignity," Ministry for Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice (PVPV) spokesman Saiful Islam Khyber told Agence France-Presse (AFP).
He said the trading of hair had become "normalized" in the South Asian country and that now "selling body parts is not allowed."
Hair sales are so sensitive that the ministry handling morality issues burned nearly a ton of human strands in Kabul province in January.
In a statement, the PVPV said it burned the batch "to protect Islamic values and human dignity."
The restrictions have not deterred Fatima, however.
During prayer times, when Taliban officials and forces attend the mosque, Fatima sneaks to a Kabul waste site to hand over her cache of tresses.
The few extra dollars are significant, with 85 percent of Afghans living on less than a dollar a day, the UN Development Program said.
Secret salon
At a secret salon in Kabul, two worn-out leather chairs sit in a small, cold room where hairdresser Narges now only receives about four customers a week.
Before the August 2021 takeover, the 43-year-old widowed hairdresser used to give crop cuts to five to six clients every day.
Now, only the wealthiest of her customers brave visiting the salon, and even they sometimes ask if they can take valuable spare hair home with them.
"They're the only ones who can still care about beauty," she said.
For others, the threat of a Taliban punishment is too much to risk.
Wahida, a 33-year-old widow whose husband was a soldier killed in 2021, has a constant worry about how she will feed her three children.
She still collects hair that has fallen from her 8-year-old daughter's head and her own, with strands from the root more valuable than those cut with scissors.
The unemployed Afghan woman, who now relies almost entirely on charity, stuffs them in a plastic bag to keep them for a potential sale later.
"I had a glimmer of hope when I used to sell my hair. Now that it's banned, I'm devastated. I'm hoping buyers will come back to my door," she said, sitting in her home. "I know there are places to sell. But I am afraid of getting caught there."
Source:manilatimes.net
https://www.manilatimes.net/2025/03/26/world/asia-oceania/afghan-women-risk-taliban-ire-over-hair-trade/2079849
----------
Young Women in Afghanistan Driven to Suicide Amid Widespread Frustration
March 25, 2025
Young women in Afghanistan face despair as the Taliban’s education ban crushes their dreams, leaving them with little hope for the future. Credit: Learning Together.
-----------
KABUL, Mar 25 (IPS) - Azar Shaimaa sits in grief, her voice trembling with sorrow as she recounts the devastating loss of her daughter, Benazir. A bright ninth-grade student, Benazir took her own life. Just three years earlier, Shaimaa lost her husband in a car accident.
Shaimaa now lives in a rented house in Kabul with her other surviving daughter. Forced out of her job as a high school teacher by the Taliban and without her husband as the sole breadwinner, Shaimaa has now been financially supported by her brother.
As she recounted the circumstances leading to Benazir, her daughter’s death, Azar Shaimaa could not hold back tears, and her voice was choking with resentment. She traced the root cause of Benazir cutting her own life short to the harsh and oppressive environment for women engendered by Taliban rule after they seized back power four years ago.
Ironically, the day we sat for the interview the Taliban had just published a new decree closing down medical institutions for girls – yet another nail in the coffin of women’s freedom. The medical institutions up to that point were the only ones left open to girls who wanted to continue their studies in medicine and midwifery.
“For women and girls in Afghanistan, life is like a prison,” Shaimaa says. “It has no meaning.”
A Systematic Erasure of Women’s Rights
Since regaining power four years ago, the Taliban have imposed a series of draconian decrees that have systematically erased women from public life. Girls are banned from secondary and higher education, women are barred from most forms of employment, and even simple freedoms—like visiting parks or speaking loudly in public—have been stripped away.
The consequences have been devastating. Many Afghan women and girls are battling severe mental health issues, with some taking their own lives, others disappearing into Taliban prisons, and those with the means fleeing the country.
The death of Azar Shaimaa’s daughter, Benazir, encapsulates the dire situation facing women in Afghanistan.
During eight years of marriage, Shaimaa said, God gifted her two daughters who she “raised with thousands of hopes and dreams”. She enrolled them at school, and they were both eager to learn, largely motivated by the fact she was herself a high school teacher. Benazir was the top student in her school from first to the ninth grade.
“She really wanted to complete her higher education at the Medical University hoping to specialize in surgery in order to serve her family and the people of her country,” Shaimaa boasts of her daughter.
“The day the republican government fell was a dark day for the women and girls of Afghanistan, and the darkness has continued until today”, Shaimaa tearfully laments. Shortly after assuming power in Kabul, the Taliban promptly banned girls from going to school until further notice. It greatly shocked her daughter, Benazir.
“She would wake up each morning counting down the minutes to the day schools would open for her to return”. “She would ask me, mother when will the Taliban open girl’s school again?” recounts Shaimaa.
A Desperate Struggle Against Despair
As months passed with no change, Benazir’s mental health deteriorated. Benazir became deeply worried about her future that she began show symptoms of mental decline. She would talk to herself for many days, her mother says. At a psychologist’s recommendation, Shaimaa enrolled her in a sewing center to keep her engaged, but it was no substitute for her true passion.
Benazir lasted only one week at the sewing centre, returning one day to declare that "Mom, I don't feel like going to the sewing center anymore; I want to study”. It didn't work because Benazir was solely focused on her education and achieving her dream in the future. She was waiting for the schools to reopen.
Unfortunately, one day everything boiled over. Shaimaa returned from the funeral of a relative to loud noises and people gathered around her house. She saw her daughter covered in blood. She had cut her wrists open with a razor blade.
”My daughter ended her life and left this world with a heart full of unfulfilled desires”, says Shaimaa mournfully.
“In spite of all the care and attention I gave her, I was unable to save her life, and I lost my daughter”.
A Call for International Action
The Taliban’s relentless repression of women is creating a silent crisis, one that is pushing many young Afghan women to the brink. Shaimaa is calling on the international community to act before more lives are lost.
Source:globalissues.org
https://www.globalissues.org/news/2025/03/25/39417
---------
Iran and Its Proxies' Oppression of Women
25.03.25
In the countries where Iranian proxies have influence, the level of violence against women is one of the highest in the world. This is facilitated by many factors such as armed conflict where Iranian proxies promote not only physical and sexual violence, but also repressive measures against women.
Women face forced marriages, restrictions on freedom of movement, and the suppression of their social and economic rights. The terrorists of Iranian proxies—such as Hezbollah, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Hamas—support ultra-Islamic ideologies and policies that limit women's rights to education, work, and participation in public life. Women in these countries find themselves in a vulnerable position, dependent on husbands, relatives, or government policies that adhere to Iranian influence. On top of this, these terrorists use women as part of their propaganda and as an integral part of the "jihad," the holy war.
Here is a breakdown of some of the regions and countries ruled by the ideals of the Islamic Jihad and their policies.
Lebanon:
Hezbollah, a key proxy of Iran located in Lebanon, exerts significant influence on the political and social life of the country. Although Lebanon is considered one of the most progressive countries in the region in terms of combating violence against women, the situation varies greatly depending on where Hezbollah has influence. According to the UN women Lebanon reports, in areas where Hezbollah's influence is the greatest, women's living standards are lower, and the level of violence against them is higher compared to other parts of the country.
Despite the importance of women in Hezbollah's propaganda, the organization's policies impose severe restrictions on women's social freedoms and impose certain norms of behavior, especially in the southern and Shiite regions.
In areas with the terrorist army’s influence, temporary marriages with Hezbollah members are becoming more common. Such marriages are often with girls at an early age and, as a rule, younger members of the organization receive less financial support due to hierarchical restrictions. These marriages are supported by religious propaganda and are presented as an act of faith that allows entry into heaven.
From an early age, girls in Hezbollah-controlled areas are raised to be future wives and mothers of “fighters”. Education in schools such as Mahdi or Al-Mustafa are in line with Hezbollah’s ideologies and values.
Such policies uphold patriarchal norms and hinder the advancement of women’s rights, especially in matters of domestic violence and equality within the family.
Iran:
The level of violence against women in Iran remains one of the highest in the world. The tightening of laws in recent years, regulating women's behavior, and the expansion of the powers of the "Moral Police" (Gasht-e-Ershad) has greatly diminished the status of women.
The "Moral Police" is a supervisory body in Iran that monitors the behavior and appearance of citizens, especially women. Violations such as "wearing the hijab incorrectly," "close contact with a stranger," and others can be grounds for arrest and imprisonment.
In 2022, a wave of protests swept the country following the murder of a student for "incorrectly" wearing the hijab. In response, the "Moral Police" and other law enforcement agencies were given additional powers. A UN report on the 2022 protests recorded cases of torture, execution, murder, rape, abduction, and other human rights violations based on gender and nationality committed by state structures. Authorities in Iran utilize multiple methods to force compliance with Sharia law which is what the modern Iranian legal system is based on.
In addition to the brutal suppression of protests led by women, cases of executions of political activists have become more frequent in Iran. The number of officially executed female oppositionists reaches several dozen per year. In addition to the executions themselves, arrested women are subjected to torture and rape. The Iranian regime believes that if a woman is a virgin before her death, she will go to heaven, so a forced "marriage" between the executioner and the victim is practiced a few days before the execution: the woman is "married off" and executed after being raped.
Domestic violence in Iran is practically not criminalized, and women are not protected from it by law. According to Iranian law, a woman cannot get a divorce under any circumstances, even if she becomes a victim of domestic violence. The country's legal system does not include concepts such as manslaughter or murder in a state of passion for women and does not take into account the circumstances that led to the crime. For them, a single formulation is provided, according to which a woman is sentenced "to retribution in kind." This means that if a crime was committed by a woman, she must "pay" with her life for the other person's life.
Gaza:
With Hamas' rise to power in 2007, the value of women's rights was greatly diminished.
Although women make up 50% of the population in Gaza, their influence in most fields is limited, and their basic rights are often systematically denied. The role of women in a Hamas-dominated society was laid out in its 1988 charter, which states that Muslim women are important in that they "manufacture men and play a great role in guiding and educating the [new] generation." While women have achieved some limited accomplishments since Hamas came to power, gender discrimination has intensified overall.
You can read more about violence against women in Gaza here.
Other Iranian Proxies:
In other regions controlled by Iranian proxies, such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen, women also face various forms of violence and abuse. The ideology of groups such as the Houthis in Yemen, the Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun Brigades in Syria, and the pro-Iranian militias Kataib Hezbollah and AsayibAhl al-Haq in Iraq is based on Sharia law and requires the population to strictly adhere. Women and girls in these regions are systematically subjected to domestic and verbal violence and restrictions on their rights and freedoms.
Source:idf.il
https://www.idf.il/en/mini-sites/iran/iran-and-its-proxies-oppression-of-women/
--------
Pilgrimage to Politics: What Drove Muslim Women to Travel the World
Mar 25, 2025
Excerpts from the interview:
Q: Your forte, Siobhan, is discovering women's writing, specifically memoirs. How did you develop this interest?
A: So I'm not sure I would say that's exactly that. I focus particularly on memoirs, but what would I say? A strand through my writing has definitely been a focus on Muslim women and Muslim women's stories, and I've explored those in lots of different ways. Partly through biography, through autobiography, through travel writing, and most recently through food. And I initially became interested in that as an undergraduate student. And what became quite evident to me from looking at the literature at the time was there was very little interest in Muslim women especially. And I thought that I would like to do something on that for my PhD research. And Bhopal is such an interesting case because it was ruled by a succession of Muslim women throughout the 19th and early 20th century. So I started to focus on that and I became interested in looking at Bhopal as a kind of case study for looking at socio-religious reform movements in the early 20th century. And it was kind of through that and through my interest in the begums of Bhopal, particularly the last, Sultan Jahan Begum, that I became fascinated by Muslim women's lives. And indeed that has been a trend.
Q: You find it fascinating to delve into women's writings much before it became a thing. So what is it that you find unusual about the space?
A: I suppose one of the things that has drawn me to this field of looking at Muslim women in particular is that there's so many stereotypes about women from the Islamic world, particularly in the West. And those are the stereotypes that I grew up with and which I see in our media every day. And I felt that through history I could tell a different story. I suppose for me, I would say history is very much a political act. It's a means of addressing marginalisations and stereotypes and inequities and injustices in the past. And I felt that by telling a different story about Muslim women, about women who were rulers, women who wrote, women who had power within their societies, and women who also just had incredible influence within their families and their communities, that I could really challenge some of those stereotypes, and I think that's what's drawn me to this area.
Q: How do you come upon these writings?
A: I really often do think of myself as a kind of academic detective. To dig out these materials, whether it be cookbooks or travel writings or memoirs, has really been a kind of labour of love throughout my life, but also a challenge, for sure. And how do you find those things? Well, the way you mostly find those things is through building relationships, essentially. I guess maybe I'm a slightly different kind of historian in that many of my colleagues that I work with, they spend a lot of time in archives on their own, kind of pulling things out of the vaults, as it were. For me, I'm really interested in people and speaking to people and engaging with people. And it's through those interactions, through connecting with individuals, with families, with communities, that I think I've been able to gain access to these rare materials, which aren't always in the public eye.
Q: What are the challenges that you experience in compiling these texts for a contemporary reader?
A: We had to think about, first of all, which books do we want to look at, which case studies do we want to feature in the book and be really selective about those. I think what we decided in the end is we really wanted to focus as this was a book of women's writings on women's experiences of other women. So it's really, above all, it kind of foregrounds those conversations that happen between women or about women commenting on other women's experiences. So that was how we kind of got around that particular challenge, I suppose. But then there's also the challenges of translation itself, of thinking about how you want those materials to be read. I think as academics, we have a tendency to do fairly literal translations, maybe, which are really focused on capturing the original language and the original style. But we felt that for this book, we really wanted to prepare translations that were easily readable. We had this student and general audience in mind, and so we wanted them to flow in the English as well.
Q: How did this project come about?
A: A scholar at Boston University, Sunil Sharma, who has become a dear friend, but also a collaborator through many projects, had come across some very rare travel writings by Muslim women. And I guess we kind of put our heads together and we thought we've got this kind of body of material which really isn't accessible to a wider audience because it is, in our case, primarily written in Urdu. And when we started to look beyond India, also written in in Persian, in Arabic and a variety of other languages and we came up with this idea of a project that would look at Muslim travellers, Muslim women travellers, I should specify, from the 17th century up until the mid-20th century. So the book is divided into four different sections, each of which focuses its attention on different motivations to travel among women. The first section deals explicitly with pilgrimage. Education also became a motivation to. To go abroad as well. And then we look at two other kind of motivations, too, in the book. One is the idea of travel as politics. And then in the final section, we look at how, for many women, travel was about accompanying relatives.
Q: Which is the cutoff time or date or year that you say, ‘Okay, anything written before this will be construed and perceived as travel writing histories’?
A: What we decided in the end is that we would end in the late 1950s. And that may seem a very strange moment to end, but the reason we chose that was because it represented kind of the start of the jet age. And our feeling was that that point when people can suddenly kind of jet all over the world rather than travelling in a quite different way, meant that there was a real shift in understandings of travel. And we felt that that pivot also corresponded to kind of shifts in print as well. So a point where we get kind of mass printing in the late 20th century. So we felt that in some ways, if we focused on the experiences of travel and writing about travel before that point, that we were going to get something quite different, I suppose, than you would get from the late 20th century and after. And of course, there's plenty of scholars who do write on more contemporary travel writing and travel writing from the late 20th century.
Source:indiatimes.com
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/pilgrimage-to-politics-what-drove-muslim-women-to-travel-the-world/articleshow/119483022.cms
--------
Switzerland enforces first nationwide ‘burqa ban’ fine amid ongoing controversy
March 26, 2025
Switzerland has issued its first fine under the country’s newly enforced nationwide face-covering ban, colloquially known as the ‘burqa ban.’ A woman in Zurich was penalized after wearing a burqa in public, according to a report by local outlet Blick on March 23. The fine of 100 Swiss francs ($110) marks the first instance of the law being enforced since it came into effect earlier this year.
The contentious legislation, passed via a 2021 referendum with 51.2% support, prohibits face coverings in public spaces. The law applies not only to Muslim garments such as burqas and niqabs but also to masks and balaclavas worn by demonstrators, sports hooligans, and other individuals covering their faces in public. Critics argue that the law disproportionately affects the country’s small Muslim minority, while supporters claim it is a necessary measure for public safety.
The burqa ban’s origins date back to a national debate over the presence and visibility of Islamic attire in public spaces. The measure, initially proposed as a way to curb what proponents labeled as ‘radical Islam,’ was eventually framed as a broader security measure targeting all forms of face coverings. The law allows some exceptions, including for health, weather, religious worship in designated areas, airline travel, and certain diplomatic or performance-related circumstances.
The first fine under the new law was issued to a non-tourist woman in Zurich, but authorities have declined to provide further details due to privacy laws. As the woman refused to pay the fine, her case has been forwarded to the cantonal governor’s office for further processing. Under the law, immediate fines start at 100 francs but can rise to 1,000 francs if contested in court.
The 2021 referendum that led to the nationwide ban was driven by the right-wing Swiss People’s Party (SVP), which campaigned on concerns over national identity and security. The Swiss government had initially opposed the measure, arguing that such a law was excessive and could negatively impact tourism, particularly from visitors from Muslim-majority countries. Despite these concerns, the proposal narrowly passed with just over 51% of the vote.
Critics of the ban argue that it disproportionately targets Switzerland’s Muslim community, which numbers around 400,000 people. Within this population, only a small fraction of women wear face veils. Organizations advocating for religious freedoms and human rights have condemned the law as discriminatory and unnecessary. Muslim associations in Switzerland have spoken out against the ban, citing concerns over civil liberties and the stigmatization of Muslim women who choose to wear the burqa or niqab.
Conversely, supporters maintain that the ban enhances public security by preventing anonymity in public spaces. The law aligns Switzerland with several European countries that have implemented similar bans, including France, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, and Spain. Advocates of the Swiss law argue that it helps reinforce social cohesion and ensures that individuals can be identified in public, particularly during protests or large gatherings where security concerns are heightened.
The move by Switzerland follows similar bans across Europe, with France being the first country to implement a nationwide prohibition on full-face veils in 2011. Other European nations have since followed suit, each citing a mixture of security concerns and the need to uphold national values and cultural integration. While Switzerland’s approach has been framed as a broader measure against face coverings rather than one exclusively targeting religious garments, its effects are widely perceived as disproportionately impacting Muslim women.
Before the federal ban, more than half of Swiss cantons had already enacted regional prohibitions on face coverings at demonstrations and sports events. Zurich police, for instance, issued 98 fines last year against masked participants in protests and sports riots, while Bern authorities had also implemented similar bans against football hooligans. With the federal law now in place, these cantonal regulations have been superseded, ensuring uniform enforcement across Switzerland.
Beyond the legal implications, the burqa ban has intensified debates over religious freedom, women’s rights, and Switzerland’s national identity. Opponents argue that the law infringes on personal freedoms, restricting women’s ability to dress as they choose. Some Muslim women who wear the burqa or niqab contend that they do so out of personal or religious conviction rather than coercion, making the ban an infringement on their rights.
The international response has also been notable, with human rights organizations criticizing Switzerland for adopting policies that they argue unfairly target religious minorities. The United Nations has previously condemned such bans, arguing that they violate fundamental human rights. However, Swiss authorities maintain that the law is non-discriminatory, as it applies to all face coverings and not exclusively to Islamic dress.
The implementation of the burqa ban presents logistical and ethical challenges for Swiss law enforcement. Determining when and how to enforce the ban without profiling specific groups will be a key issue. The case of the first fined individual in Zurich could set a precedent for how authorities handle future violations, particularly if legal challenges arise.
Another challenge lies in the balance between upholding national laws and maintaining Switzerland’s reputation as a country that values personal freedoms. If the law leads to a significant number of fines primarily affecting Muslim women, it may deepen social divisions and prompt further legal challenges from civil rights groups.
Switzerland’s enforcement of its nationwide face-covering ban with the first official fine marks a significant moment in the country’s ongoing debate over public security, religious freedom, and national identity. While supporters see the law as a necessary step to ensure safety and social integration, critics view it as a discriminatory measure that disproportionately impacts Muslim women. The unfolding legal proceedings of this first case may set the tone for future enforcement and potential challenges to the law.
As Switzerland joins the growing list of European countries implementing similar measures, the broader conversation about religious expression, public security, and individual freedoms will likely continue, both within the country and on the international stage.
Source:weeklyblitz.net
https://weeklyblitz.net/2025/03/26/switzerland-enforces-first-nationwide-burqa-ban-fine-amid-ongoing-controversy/
---------
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/muslim-bomb-teache-hijab-asked/d/134984