Hijab For Policewomen? Berlin’s Green Party Pushes For Change
New Age Islam News Bureau
25 April 2025
· Hijab For Policewomen? Berlin’s Green Party Pushes For Change
· 'She Doesn't Even Have Cycling Shoes': The Reality Of Women's Sports In Iran
· Enforcing Iran’s New Hijab Law Tops Parliament Cultural Agenda In Iran
· Model And Miss Bangladesh Foundation Chairperson Meghna Alam Denied Bail In Extortion Case
· Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Size To Reach USD 19.8 Billion By 2033, At A CAGR Of 4.47%
· Two Muslim Women Say 'False' Allegation Led To Dangerous Situation With Seattle Police Department
· Conscience Held Captive: The State Of Religious Minorities In The Islamic Republic Of Iran
· Young Girl Freed After 10 Years Of House ImprisonmentBy Her Father in Herat
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/hijab-policewomen-berlin-green-party-pushes/d/135309
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Hijab For Policewomen? Berlin’s Green Party Pushes For Change
2025-04-25
Shafaq News/ On Thursday, Germany’s Green Party called for the abolition of Berlin’s Neutrality Act, arguing that the law discriminates against Muslim hijabi women, hindering their access to careers in public service.
Enacted in 2005, the law bars civil servants from visibly wearing or displaying religious symbols while on duty. It has faced repeated legal challenges, particularly over its impact on Muslim women in the public sector.
While the law restricts Jewish men from wearing a yarmulka, it permits the display of crucifixes. Tuba Bozkurt, a spokeswoman for the Green Party’s anti-discrimination efforts in the Berlin state parliament, described the law as incompatible with a diverse and inclusive public service.
“It would be highly beneficial to have female police officers wearing the hijab in Berlin,” she noted, adding that “Muslim women who wear the hijab are part of society, and this reality should be reflected in our streets, schools, and public institutions.”
However, defenders of the law maintain that it does not target any specific group and is designed to uphold the ideological and religious neutrality of public institutions.
They also argue that the measure protects the secular character of state functions. About Hijab Notably, the hijab is worn by many Muslim women as a symbol of modesty, privacy, and morality. It reportedly signifies a commitment to faith and cultural identity, enabling women to express their beliefs and values with pride.
For many, the hijab serves as a source of empowerment, fostering community and solidarity among those with shared values. It is also regarded as a mark of respect and dignity, embodying significant social and moral principles.
However, in Western discourse, the hijab is often used as a cultural or religious symbol to justify “questionable and inhumane policies” toward Eastern nations, analysts note.
There is allegedly little consideration of the philosophy behind the hijab or how Muslim women feel more protected, valued, and independent when wearing it.
Source: shafaq.com
https://shafaq.com/en/World/Hijab-for-policewomen-Berlin-s-Green-Party-pushes-for-change
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'She Doesn't Even Have Cycling Shoes': The Reality of Women's Sports in Iran
APRIL 25, 2025
PAYAM YOUNESIPOUR
So when a mother runs behind her daughter’s bicycle, she knows the truth: even if Reyhaneh makes the national team, the struggle doesn’t end there
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A mother runs behind her daughter’s bicycle, shouting words of encouragement as the young cyclist pushes toward the finish line in a national team selection race.
This isn't just a mother's love on display - it's necessity.
After the race ends, Reyhaneh Moghimian’s mother says, “She doesn’t even have cycling shoes.”
Despite competing at the national level in South Khorasan province, Reyhaneh lacks the most basic equipment.
No coach, no proper gear - just a bicycle and a mother willing to run behind it, serving as both coach and support team through sheer determination.
A video of the race quickly went viral on social media, striking a chord with viewers who saw the reality of women’s sports in Iran: athletes like Reyhaneh succeed not because of the system, but in spite of it.
In 2012, basketball coach ZohrehSaberi faced an impossible choice when approaching potential sponsors.
“Managers of companies who offer financial support often say in the first or second meeting, ‘Well, madam, be gentle and a little kinder with us, come to a few parties, and we’ll cover the expenses,’” she recalled.
There was nothing subtle about these demands. Men with money were asking for sexual favors in exchange for sponsoring women’s basketball.
Saberi refused. Instead, she, her family, and her players pooled their personal funds to cover everything: uniforms, basketballs, training halls, competition fees and even transportation.
When questioned why she couldn’t secure proper funding, she simply asked, “Do you expect me to tell the girls on my team that to secure money, I have to meet such expectations?”
No investigation followed. Saberi's case disappeared - an all-too-common outcome.
In 2011, a year before Saberi spoke out, a similar yet even more explicit incident occurred. A female national team skater and her mother went to the Ministry of Sports with a harrowing complaint.
According to Tabnak News Agency, the young skater “desperately told security officers that the federation president had told her she must have sexual relations with him to remain on the national team.”
The accused was JamshidVaziri, then-president of the Islamic Republic Skating Federation. He was removed from his post by the sports minister.
But what followed revealed how the system really works: within months, Vaziri’s name appeared on the Guardian Council’s approved list of parliamentary candidates.
Mashregh News described him as a “member of the board of trustees of the Grand Mosque of Sanandaj.”
Other female skating coaches and athletes confirmed that Vaziri had made similar sexual demands.
No judicial case was ever filed against him.
So when a mother runs behind her daughter’s bicycle, she knows the truth: even if Reyhaneh makes the national team, the struggle doesn’t end there.
Fatemeh Sasanian, a member of Iran’s national women’s cycling team, described the bleak reality in 2023.
“I’ve been competing at club and national levels for more than five years, but I don’t have a contract with any club," she said.
“There are no teams in the women’s league willing to sign contracts or pay expenses. Female cyclists participate in competitions entirely at their own expense.”
This is almost unthinkable in global terms.
Cycling is one of the most commercially sponsored sports in the world. But in Iran, the federation can’t - or won’t - secure a single sponsor for women.
The issue isn’t limited to cycling. Mehr News Agency reported in 2023 that women’s futsal faces a similar sponsorship draught. One reason: women’s competitions are not allowed to be broadcast on television, and media coverage is almost non-existent.
Track star Elham Kakoli, one of Iran’s most prominent female runners, put it plainly, "Our sports in the women's section has traditionally been subject to some deprivations for years.
She added, "The only ones who have crossed the boundaries of limitation were the female athletes themselves - other sections have remained within those limitations."
This isn’t accidental. Sports officials openly acknowledge the discrimination.
In 2019, Ali Moradi, president of the Iranian Weightlifting Federation, announced female weightlifters would only be paid if they won international medals. He claimed the federation had “no obligation” to train or support female weightlifters - they should rely on their clubs for facilities and salaries.
Meanwhile, male athletes received dorms, international training camps, coaching staff, and regular salaries.
Even women in positions of power make these restrictions.
In 2023, MahinFarhadizadeh - a top sports official - said that women’s gymnastics would not be allowed to grow because it was “not valuable” and failed to meet the dress and makeup standards required by international judges.
“Gymnastics attire, given our cultural conditions, doesn’t receive permission,” she said, “because part of the score in championships is based on clothing style and makeup.”
In some cases, equipment designated for women’s sports simply vanishes. In December 2022, Mohammad Reza Davarzani, president of the Volleyball Federation, admitted that facilities and equipment allocated for women’s volleyball had been auctioned off, with the money spent elsewhere in the federation.
Since the founding of the Islamic Republic, women’s sports have faced systemic discrimination, financial hardship, and sexual harassment.
And yet, women like ReyhanehMoghimian still compete.
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/women/140632-she-doesnt-even-have-cycling-shoes-the-reality-of-womens-sports-in-iran/
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Enforcing Iran’s New Hijab Law Tops Parliament Cultural Agenda In Iran
APRIL 24, 2025
Enforcing Iran's new hijab law is the top priority for the parliamentary cultural committee, its spokesperson said as authorities come under mounting conservative pressure to implement legislation expanding surveillance and penalties.
“A group of devout citizens has a rightful demand, and that is the enforcement of the hijab law — a demand that holds value for the Islamic system,” said spokesman Ahmad Rastineh on Thursday.
The law was passed by parliament in September 2023 but is yet to be fully enforced as the government tries to avoid mass backlash. It mandates harsh penalties for women and girls who defy compulsory veiling and has been branded by the UN as amounting to gender apartheid.
Punishments under the strict new law include travel bans, social media restrictions, prison sentences, lashes, and fines. It also criminalizes promoting hijab resistance.
The legislation was introduced following mass protests triggered by the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody in 2022 which led to nationwide hijab rebellion and a loss of control by authorities.
Although the law’s enforcement was postponed in December following public outcry and international pressure, calls for its immediate implementation have intensified.
Last month, a group of pro-hijab activists staged a sit-in outside parliament, demanding the law be enacted. The protest, which coincided with Quds Day, was dispersed by police on the grounds that it lacked official authorization.
As measures to enforce hijab continue, a recent cooperation agreement was signed between Iran’s police and the education ministry which has sparked outrage from teachers’ unions.
Critics say the deal, which allows police input on school policies, could militarize schools and enforce hijab compliance among students.
“Teachers across the country will not allow schools to be turned into military barracks,” said the Iranian Teachers' Trade Association.
“This is a degrading and alarming stance,” added Mohammad Habibi, the group’s spokesman, accusing the education minister of surrendering the civilian space of education to security forces.
Many women around the country now openly reject the compulsory headscarf, long tunics, and trousers mandated by Iran’s Shariah law. Acts of defiance have become increasingly visible, with women frequently seen unveiled, singing, and dancing in public as a challenge to the religious establishment.
Source: iranintl.com
https://www.iranintl.com/en/202504240529
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Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Size to Reach USD 19.8 Billion by 2033, At a CAGR of 4.47%
04-25-2025
How Big is Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Industry?
The Saudi Arabia women apparel market size reached USD 12.9 Billion in 2024 and expected reach USD 19.8 Billion by 2033, exhibiting a growth rate (CAGR) of 4.47% during 2025-2033.
Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Trends:
The Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market apparel experiences rapid changes because Saudi society adapts to new cultural values alongside rising female labor participation and broader adoption of international fashion approaches. Frontier dress like abayas and niqabs exists deep in Saudi traditions however younger generation adopt fashionable interpretations between traditional modesty standards and contemporary fashion. The interest of today's young people in trying different clothing elements has stimulated market demand for stylish modest apparel.
The fashion industry gives local and international brands the opportunity to sell products that address Middle Eastern preferences through embroidery details with lightweight fabrics and flexible garment designs. Through e-commerce platforms and social media the latest fashion trends become more accessible to women across Saudi Arabia making a lasting impact on their consumer behavior.
Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Scope and Growth Analysis:
The Saudi women's apparel market sees rising importance of sustainability together with ethical fashion as buyers take notice of environmental and social effects produced by their shopping choices. The market transformation pushes companies to implement sustainable and carbon-friendly procedures including organic fabric use as well as the promotion of "slow fashion" principles. Because of its presence on the global modest fashion scene Saudi Arabia has gained significant influence while local designers can now succeed by applying new techniques to traditional clothing.
The Vision 2030 initiative of the government aims to empower women and achieve economic diversity by supporting business entrepreneurship and fashion sector creativity which fuels market growth. The market has become more dynamic because it now provides female consumers with diverse options which merge their personal styling preferences with cultural traditions.
Saudi Arabia Women Apparel Market Segmentation:
The market report offers a comprehensive analysis of the segments, highlighting those with the Saudi Arabia women apparel market share. It includes forecasts for the period 2025-2033 and historical data from 2019-2024 for the following segments.
Source: openpr.com
https://www.openpr.com/news/3987793/saudi-arabia-women-apparel-market-size-to-reach-usd-19-8-billion
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Two Muslim women say 'false' allegation led to dangerous situation with Seattle Police Department
April 24, 2025
SEATTLE — What began as a dispute over a parking spot ended with guns drawn and two young Muslim women thrown to the ground by police — an incident that is now the focus of a formal investigation by the Seattle Office of Police Accountability.
According to the Washington chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the two women — both in their 20s and wearing hijabs — were the targets of excessive force after a man called 911 on Feb. 4 and falsely claimed the pair had a gun.
“One of the sisters was thrown to the ground, and an officer had his knee on her back and she’s a smaller-built young woman,” said SabreneOdeh, a legal advocate with CAIR-WA.
The encounter, captured in part by police reports and witness accounts, which have not been made public, escalated quickly. The women, returning to their vehicle after a verbal argument over a parking space, were met by several Seattle police officers with weapons drawn, ordering them to the ground.
“What they didn’t realize was, when they came back, they were confronted by a number of police officers with their guns drawn, screaming at them to get down,” Odeh said. “It was a very, very traumatic incident for them.”
CAIR is now pushing for accountability — not only from the officers involved but also from the individual who made the call. The organization is calling for criminal charges against the man who reported the women, saying he knowingly made a false police report motivated by the women’s race and religion.
“They’re extremely traumatized,” Odeh said. “They described not wanting to leave their house out of fear of another interaction with police, or someone calling in another false allegation against them as Muslim women.”
CAIR believes this incident is part of a larger pattern of racially and religiously motivated profiling that puts communities of color at greater risk during encounters with law enforcement.
“And I think the message we’re sending is: you can’t just target the Muslim community and get away with it,” Odeh said.
The Seattle Police Department declined to comment on the case, citing the ongoing investigation by the city’s Office of Police Accountability.
A case tracker on the OPA’s website confirms a complaint has been received and is under review, a process that typically takes about 30 days.
Source: king5.com
https://www.king5.com/article/news/local/two-muslim-women-allege-excessive-force-seattle-police-department/281-88e0b2e3-1b99-4720-9500-299328532b20
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Conscience Held Captive: The State of Religious Minorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran
APRIL 24, 2025
IRANWIRE
Methodology Note: Iranian authorities impose severe restrictions on access to information and contact with victims of its repressive measures. Many Iranian activists, including those advocating for human rights, freedom of expression, and access to information, face harsh prison sentences for their work. Additionally, lawyers and others are routinely surveilled and threatened with similar consequences, affecting themselves and their families.
A System of Religious Monopoly
Religious minorities in Iran face systematic barriers to equal human rights due to a state structure that is built and maintained to preserve a religious monopoly. The preamble of the constitution of the Islamic Republic declares that “Islamic principles and norms” are foundational for the “advancement” of “institutions of Iranian society.” Article 12 further enshrines Twelver Ja’fari Shiism as the official state religion, and ambiguous “Islamic criteria” or “Islamic principles” govern all facets of life, from political participation to criminal law.
Religious minorities in Iran can be broadly divided into two main groups: those who enjoy official recognition and those who do not.
Officially Recognized Minorities and Conditional Freedoms
Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians enjoy limited freedoms in “rites and ceremonies,” “personal affairs,” and “religious education” “within the limits of the law” (Article 13). Some Sunni Muslim schools are also “accorded full respect” (Article 12). However, these rights come with significant restrictions. For instance, these groups are, in practice, further qualified; for instance, “Christians” include only Christians by virtue of Assyrian, Chaldean and Armenian heritage, and not converts from Islam to Christianity. Exercising their limited rights is conditional upon compliance with the limitations imposed on them by Islamic Republic authorities.
The case of Zoroastrians is emblematic of these recognized groups. Through their constitutionally-guaranteed seat in parliament, this ancient community has managed certain victories in recent years: equality in criminal restitution ("blood money") payments, employment in the educational system (albeit for limited periods), and budget allocations for various social programs. But the essentially theocratic nature of Iran’s constitution and fundamental structural limitations to political participation (including confessional requirements and vetting by an unelected body of religious law experts, the Guardian Council) curtail full, meaningful exercise of political rights.
IranWire contributor AshkanKhosropour has termed the result a “theater of peaceful coexistence” which permits minor, symbolic progress, while neutralizing calls for more fundamental change. Zoroastrian civil activist Keyvan Hoor told IranWire that the government’s approach to officially recognized religious groups is more characterized by “control” than outright “repression”: “They’re given permission to be active, but in the framework and conditions that are in step with the regime’s perspective.”
Non-Recognized Minorities and Intensified Persecution
Minorities without official recognition, including Baha'is, Christian converts, Yarsans, atheists, and followers of new religious movements, face an even harsher reality. Members of these groups are at a high risk of arbitrary arrest and prosecution (often on trumped-up security charges). They also face asset appropriation, denial of education and employment opportunities, restriction on worship and religious observances, and, in some cases, even capital punishment on charges of apostasy. “Minority” status in Iran is not simply a matter of demographics but also the outcome of a long-standing process of marginalization. Religious minority status may also overlap with ethnic identity, as in the case of Baluchis and Kurds, whose populations, concentrated chiefly in Iran’s border provinces, are predominantly Sunni Muslim.
This report, covering developments in the human rights situation of religious minorities in Iran in 2024, is based primarily on IranWire’s reporting. The analysis relies on IranWire’s coverage of religious minorities in Iran, using first-hand reports by members of these groups or by citizen journalists and verified by professional journalists, as well as secondary sources published by reliable human rights organizations.
Political Developments
On July 28, 2024, Masoud Pezeshkian, affiliated with the Islamic Republic's reformist faction and of Azeri descent, became president. Pezeshkian’s background and statements, such as his June 22 speech, “We, the people of Iran – Kurds, Turks, Baluchs, and others – have a right to make decisions, participate, and choose,” initially sparked some hope for progress among minority groups.
Despite his campaign promises, Pezeshkian’s list of cabinet appointees ultimately excluded Sunnis. Pezeshkian’s cabinet selections were criticized by influential Sunni Baluch cleric MowlanaAbdolhamdiEsmailzehi, who said, “Discrimination must be eradicated. No ethnic or religious [group] should have priority over another. Sunnis, who form the largest population after Shias, should have equal rights by law.”
In late October, Pezeshkian appointed Mansour Bijar, a Sunni Baluch, as governor of Sistan and Baluchistan Province. Bijar is the first individual of this ethnic and religious background to hold the position in half a century. In late November, Pezeshkian also visited Sistan and Baluchistan, where he met with local tribal and religious authorities to discuss regional issues, pledging dialogue.
Minority rights activists were nonetheless skeptical about the potential for real reform under Pezeskhian’s leadership, citing the structural impediments within Iran’s political system. Farahnaz Fathi, a Yarsan activist, said, “With the Guardian Council’s supervision over presidential candidates," i.e. the unelected body’s power to vet and reject candidates, "and a constitution that does not recognize Yarsans, changing president is like swapping game pieces without altering the strategy. Even if Pezeshkian wanted change, he’d be eliminated.”
AwatPouri, a Kurdish Sunni activist and IranWire analyst, voiced caution: “After a certain point, the president no longer influences the political space. One way of putting it is that unless Supreme Leader Khamenei’s directives change, the big-picture conditions won’t shift.”
Besides these structural limitations on the presidency in improving the situation of minority rights, other state officials, as well as government-affiliated media, sustained a campaign of defamation and harassment against these communities through the year. In August, the Young Journalists’ Club (a hardline grouping affiliated with Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting) joined Khabar Online and Jahan News to accuse Baha'is of seeking to undermine Shia Muslim religious holidays.
In September, the Supreme Leader’s representative in Lorestan province, Ahmadreza Shahrokhi, declared during Friday prayers that “the Baha’i sect has a wide connection with the Zionist regime and they spy for the enemy and promote immorality and corruption in religious ceremonies.” In September, Isfahan Friday Prayer leader SeyyedMojtabaMirdamad proclaimed that all Iranians who opposed mandatory hijab, regardless of religious affiliation, were “apostates,” a charge that carries the death penalty in Iranian law. In November, against the backdrop of unprecedented geopolitical tensions and ongoing Israeli operations in Gaza, Mohammad Jafar Asadi, deputy commander of the IRGC-affiliated Khatam al-Anbiya Headquarters, termed Jews “vile” in a live television broadcast, asking Iranian Jews: "Where is your outcry against the disgrace and shame brought upon the Jewish people under the guise of Zionism? Step forward and show yourselves.”
Judicial Repression
Religious minorities frequently face judicial repression for peaceful activities. In a judicial system lacking institutional independence (especially in the Revolutionary Courts that try political and security cases), such defendants are often charged with vaguely defined security violations under the Islamic Penal Code.
Iran remains one of the world’s most active execution states, with one of the highest per capita death penalty rates. Religious minorities remain at disproportionate risk of capital punishment in the country. For instance, data from Iran Human Rights indicated that of the at least 975 executions conducted by the Islamic Republic in the year 2024 alone, 11% of those put to death were (predominantly Sunni) Baluchs, despite their ethnic group comprising only two to six percent of Iran’s population. In cases involving the death penalty, due process violations are even more concerning.
Religious minorities in Iran continue to suffer from systemic due process failures that undermine their rights in legal proceedings.
The worsening situation facing Iranian Baha’is
A spate of prosecutions of Baha'is intensified around the Iranian New Year in late March of last year. According to IranWire reports, at least 85 Baha'is were summoned or imprisoned in Iran from the beginning of March through mid-May alone. Fifteen Baha'is – all women living in Baharestan, in Isfahan – received summons on April 10 to appear before the Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court of that city on May 1. They faced charges including “propaganda against the regime of the Islamic Republic” and “participation in perverse promotional and instructional activity contrary to Islamic shariah.” On May 18, the court sentenced them each to five years of imprisonment, 50 million toman fines, and a two-year ban on exiting the country and a five-year ban on social activities. On appeal, Brach 37 of the Appeals Court of Isfahan Province struck down the prison sentences of two of the women while upholding the other punishments, on November 20.
On July 3, Branch One of the Revolutionary Court in Babol tried defendants NioushaBadi’iSabet and Suzan Eid Mohammadzadegan. They faced charges of “propaganda to the benefit of groups and organizations against the regime,” “propaganda against the regime,” and “forming a cell and group for purposes of disrupting national security.” These charges stemmed from classes taught by Sabet, a Baha’i psychologist focused on children and adolescent mental health, in Babol. Sabet used a book titled “The Language of Life,” translated by a Baha’i, to instruct non-Baha’i participants in preventing sexual harassment. On October 24, the court sentenced them to five years of prison for the charge of “educational and promotional activity contrary to Islamic jurisprudence,” as well as a supplementary sentence of an 18-month ban from educational activities.
And Roya Sabet, a 57-year-old Baha'i woman living in the United Arab Emirates, traveled to Iran in early January to visit ailing parents. But Revolutionary Guards intelligence agents raided her residence and seizes documents she needed for return travel on January 25. Sabet was summoned and eventually arrested on February 15. Taken to a detention facility belonging to the Revolutionary Guards, she was held incommunicado for three weeks before being permitted a closely-controlled phone call with her family. In the first three months of detention, she was granted just one opportunity to meet with family members in person, at a Prosecutor’s Office and in the presence of state agents. On May 20, she was abruptly transferred to Adelabad Prison in Shiraz, where family members were allowed to meet with her in the presence of armed, camera-wielding agents. Through mid-June, she continued to be detained without formal charges. Authorities had told her family only that she was “not cooperating” with them, but they refused to elaborate. On August 15 – half a year after arrest – Sabet was ultimately released on bail from Adelabad.
Baha'is are also subject to forced business closures. On May 1, authorities shut down battery, radiator, and muffler shops belonging to at least four Baha'i proprietors in the cities of Shahrkord and Farakhshahr, in Chaharmahal and Bakhtiyari province.
In early October, lawyer Sina Yousefi reported that the Ministry of Intelligence had summoned the heads of large retailers in Tabriz and other cities and forbade them from doing business with the Rafooneh company, because its owner is a Baha’i.
On November 3, state agents in Qaemshahr, Mazandaran province shuttered the businesses of three Baha'is: an optician store owned by SohrabLoghaei Azar, a freezer-refrigerator repair shop owned by Kamran Babaei, and a stationery shop owned by KamramAbedini. The agents moved at a time when the Baha’i owners had closed their businesses to observe a Baha’i religious occasion.
The situation facing Iranian Christians
On November 15, Judge Mostafa Narimani of the Karaj Revolutionary Court sentenced Christian convert Dr. ToumajAriankia to ten years of prison and a two-year ban on social activities for a conviction of “propaganda against the regime by way of evangelizing Christianity,” “collaboration with hostile powers (Israel, the United Kingdom, and America),” and “membership in groups antagonistic to the regime.” Ariankia was initially arrested on October 24, 2022, after agents investigated his house and seized religious and personal writings. He then spent 27 days in solitary confinement at Karaj Prison, after which he was transferred to the general population, where he remained for 40 days. Ariankia is a member of the Christian Freedom Party of Iran and Pan-Iranist Party.
LalehSa’ati, an incarcerated Christian convert, needed specialist neurological examination due to interrogator abuse as of mid-May; the Prosecutor’s Office denied such treatment. Sa’ati was arrested at her father’s house in Tehran on February 15. On March 26, in hearings at Branch 26 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran presided over by Judge ParvizAfshari, Sa'ati was sentenced to two years in prison and a two-year ban on exiting the country for a conviction of “acting against national security by way of communicating with Christian Zionist organizations”. The charges reportedly pertained to her attendance of house churches in Iran following her return from life abroad in Malaysia. In late June, Sa’ati was reportedly subject to new interrogations at Evin Prison where she was held. The Intelligence Ministry interrogators demanded to know how details of her case had reached the media. Agents had also reportedly threatened her mother with prosecution if she communicated with “hostile sites” and pressured other family members, some of whom had no Christian affiliation.
Cases of Baluchs
On June 8, Ministry of Intelligence agents in Zahedan raided the house of Baluch Sunni cleric BismallahKhougiani, imam at the SedighiKarimabad mosque, and took him into custody. A local informed source told the Baluch Activists Campaign that the officers failed to produce a warrant or communicate a charge against him – both of which are routine for such arrests.
ObeidollahHamali, meanwhile, a Sunni ethnic Baluch from the village of Homunat, Mehrestan county in Sistan and Baluchistan, was initially arrested during a home raid by Ministry of Intelligence agents on October 10, 2023, according to the Baluch Activists Campaign. The arrest was violent and ended in Hamali’s leg being broken. Agents sent him to a clinic in Iranshahr, where a superficial bandaging was performed. They then transferred Hamali to the Ministry of Intelligence detention facility in Zahedan County. By April 3 – 163 days into his detention – his leg was infected and his critical condition meant he needed medical care. Doctors in Zahedan said the physician in Iranshahr should continue treatment, and so he was sent back there, according to a local informed source. Hamali’s family had requested medical leave on bail so that he could be treated at a clinic. The Ministry of Intelligence had not granted this as of early April. On August 2, more than 300 days after his initial arrest, Hamali remained incarcerated, his legal fate and the charges against him unclear.
On December 15, nine Baluchs were executed on drug-related convictions at prisons in Yazd and Zahedan. One of those executed, 22-year-old Alia Tardast (Shahouzaehi) was 18 at the time of his arrest and made his living transporting household appliances. Authorities reportedly told his family his verdict had been overturned, only to suddenly summon them for a final visitation. Another individual, 25-year-old Mohammad VazirRoudini, had reportedly agreed to relocate an automobile which he did not know contained drugs. These cases highlight the disproportionate effect of Iran’s war on drugs on economically marginalized minorities.
And in late November, it was reported that a Sunni Baluch family of eight living in Khash, Sistan and Baluchistan province who sought national ID documents (necessary for a range of government services and benefits in Iran) was told by authorities they would be granted them on condition of converting to Shia Islam.
Cases of Kurds
By July 28, three Sunni Kurds held in Orumieh Prison, Hossein Khosravi, Soleimani Adhami, and Heywa Nouri, had been charged with the crime of “armed rebellion,” a crime that when convicted can lead to the death penalty. Arrested in late January, they were detained in a Ministry of Intelligence facility for three months, during which, according to the Kurdistan Human Rights Network, they were tortured for forced confessions. They also faced charges of membership in the Jamaat Ansar al-Sunna organization and “propaganda against the regime.” The case was set to be adjudicated by Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Orumieh. In early October, Khosravi and Nouri were temporarily released on bail; Adhami (a religious leader like Khosravi) continued to be held, and his case was transferred to the Special Court for Clerics.
On November 25, Kurdish high school teacher AbollahKarimgoulan was arrested by security agents and taken to an undisclosed location. Twelve days later, authorities had not disclosed his whereabouts or the charges against him. Another educator from Kamyaran County, Hamid Azizi, was arrested on December 3 and similarly held incommunicado.
Independently of failures of due process which may lead to wrongful detentions and convictions, those incarcerated in Iran may be denied fundamental rights as prisoners. Members of religious minorities, lacking the resources and influence to advocate for themselves, may be especially vulnerable to such abuses.
On May 1, for example, ethnic Kurd prisoner of conscience AnvarKhezri, a Sunni native of Mahabad, West Azerbaijan province, was put to death on a conviction of spreading “corruption on earth.” Transferred to solitary confinement the day before, he was not granted a final visitation with family members. His death sentence had been issued by Branch 15 of the Revolutionary Court (presided over by Judge Salavati), reportedly under pressure from the Ministry of Intelligence office in Orumieh, following the Supreme Court’s overturning of an earlier capital verdict. In a letter published years after his 2010 arrest, Khezri said he had confessed to interrogators under physical and psychological torture..
Cases of Yarsans
On August 6, 2024, Reza Rasa’i, a member of the Yarsan religious community who had been arrested in connection with the 2022 Woman, Life, Freedom protests, was executed at Diezelabad Prison in Kermanshah. He had been convicted of being an accomplice in the murder of a local Revolutionary Guards Intelligence Division official. Branch 2 of the Criminal Court One in Kermanshah issued the verdict, which the Supreme Court upheld in a process marked by hastiness and due process violations.
According to Rasa’i’s mother, her son’s 1,500-page file was reviewed and adjudicated within a week, based largely on the “judge’s knowledge,” a hazy and arbitrary criterion in Iranian jurisprudence. Rasa’i repeatedly denied the allegations, stating in court that his initial confessions were obtained under torture; these very confessions played a key role in his conviction. Authorities denied Rasai’s family a final visit and prevented them from burying him in a Yarsan cemetery, forcing them to use a burial site on the outskirts of Kermanshah. Security agents controlled the burial proceedings, allowing only close family members to attend.
Cases of Jews
On November 4, Arvin Gharemani, a young Jewish man, was executed following Branch 29 of Iran’s Supreme Court rejection of his request for a retrial, despite indications of procedural irregularities and the failure of authorities to facilitate the blood money negotiation process that could have spared his life. Gharemani was convicted of murder related to a street brawl in which another man died; his family maintained he was acting in self defense. Potentially exculpatory details of the incident, such as his efforts to help the injured man get to the hospital, were not recorded in the court’s ruling. The head of Iran’s Jewish Association said his requests to meet with the victim’s family to negotiate a restitution payment (which could have stopped Gharemani's execution under Iranian laws) and the local Friday Prayer leader were rejected.
Cases of Sufis
Religious minorities may also fall victim to targeted killings by perpetrators with or without state affiliations. On the night of July 18, unidentified gunmen entered a Sufi lodge in a neighborhood in Saqqez, Iranian Kurdistan, and killed three people, including spiritual leader Azad Shahabi. Local law enforcement announced an investigation.
According to the UN Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 36 on Article 6 of the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, the government of Iran has a duty to “take special measures of protection towards persons in vulnerable situations whose lives have been placed at particular risk because of specific threats or pre-existing patterns of violence,” including “members of ethnic and religious minorities.”
More broadly, the government is obligated to “[establish] by law adequate institutions and procedures for preventing deprivation of life, [investigate] and [prosecute] potential cases of unlawful deprivation of life, [and mete] out punishment and [provide] full reparation.”
As of late October, authorities had failed to make reliable information regarding the murder available to family members and the community. Sheikh Shahabi’s brother, who assumed his religious responsibilities after his death, believes the murder was a coordinated assassination and has repeatedly asked security authorities for more detailed information. Sheikh Shahabi had supported the late 2022 protests, especially intense in Kurdistan province, and was killed shortly after reportedly refusing authorities’ request to use his influence to encourage participation in elections.
When it comes to social and economic rights, Iran’s legal framework, paired with a history in which Shia Islam has been privileged over other currents, has produced striking inequalities along religious lines, which often intersect with ethnic identity. The state may also act directly, through judicial or other means, to strip minority members of property and livelihood.
Freedom of Assembly and Expression
Cases of Zoroastrians
Official religious minority organizations are, in some cases, compelled to echo state messaging. After the unexpected death of President Ebrahim Raisi in May, the Zoroastrian Association of Tehran held a ceremony honoring him. The fact that the Association had held no such ceremony for a political leader since the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Komeini in 1989, coupled with the fact that such proceedings are never organized spontaneously in Iran, suggests coercion by authorities.
Religious Sites
Cases of Baha’is
In March and April, unknown vandals defaced the Baha'i cemetery in Semnan on multiple occasions, an informed source told IranWire. The vandals sprayed derogatory, inflammatory language on the building used for washing the remains of the deceased as well as gravestones. Local religious authorities have encouraged such acts with anti-Baha'i messaging over many years.
On August 17, unidentified individuals vandalized an historic 110-year-old Baha’i cemetery in Ahvaz, Khuzestan, setting fires and cutting down mature trees. The vandalism occurred against the backdrop of authorities’ denial of burial rights to local Baha’is since 2016-2017, which has forced community members to use alternative cemeteries. Such acts of desecration are often encouraged by inflammatory rhetoric from local state-affiliated Shia clerics, while vandals enjoy impunity.
Cases of Sufis
A video obtained by IranWire on October 14 records an assault by plainclothes forces on a Sufi lodge in Saqqez which was formerly headed by Sheikh Azad Shahahbi, who was murdered in uncertain circumstances in July. Agents beat those gathered and seized a number of electronic devices. Informed sources reported the raid followed the inscription by Sufis of the word “martyr,” as well as lines of Kurdish-language poetry, on Shahabi’s grave.
Ebrahim Raisi's unexpected death, meanwhile, raised a too-often overlooked aspect of the religious minority human rights crisis: denial of the right to truth about past violations. As a Tehran vice-prosecutor, Raisi was involved in the three-man “death committees” which, in secretive and highly arbitrary proceedings in the summer of 1988, condemned political dissidents (many serving prison sentences) to death. In the case of secular leftists in particular, death committees issued capital verdicts solely because individuals failed to identify themselves as Muslim: a flagrant, inquisitorial abuse of the death penalty and freedom of conscience. Iranian officials have failed to provide even minimal transparency and accountability for these killings, including by facilitating the rise of abusers like Raisi to the highest levels of political leadership.
On August 23, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination released a report foregrounding the repression of ethnic and ethno-religious minority groups during state crackdowns on countrywide protests in November 2019 and fall 2022. The Committee urged the government of Iran to “immediately conduct impartial investigations into allegations of violations and abuses of human rights committed by state actors during these protests and to provide reparation for the victims.”
In its March report to the UN Human Rights Council, the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran found that “ethnic and religious minorities, as well as other minorities, were disproportionately impacted by the Government’s response to the protests that began in September 2022.” The Mission elaborated such violations in its August report, noting that, against a backdrop of grave human rights violations, “the Government continues to take concerted measures to silence victims, their families as well as those supporting them to seek truth, equality, justice and reparations, such as lawyers and journalists.” The Mission urged the government of Iran to “undertake effective, thorough, independent, impartial and transparent investigations into crimes and violations of international law, human rights, and international criminal law described in this document, in accordance with international standards.”
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/religious-minorities/140614/
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Young Girl Freed After 10 Years Of House ImprisonmentBy Her Father in Herat
2025-04-24
HERAT(BNA): A young girl who had been kept in house imprisonment by her father for ten years in Zindajan district of Herat province was recently rescued by officers of the Department for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.
Maulavi Abdul Rahim Nuri, head of the department in Zindajan, told Bakhtar News Agency that the girl, named Ayesha and a resident of Shadah village, was subjected to prolonged confinement and psychological abuse. After her release, she was transferred to the regional hospital and subsequently handed over to her mother.
Nuri added that the girl’s father, Abdul Rasul, has been referred to judicial authorities following preliminary investigations.
Officials from the Promotion of Virtue department in Herat emphasized their commitment to upholding justice, supporting women’s rights, and combating domestic abuse. They also noted that in the past, similar cases—such as the rescue of another woman after nine years of house imprisonment—have been addressed by their team.
Source: bakhtarnews.af
https://www.bakhtarnews.af/en/young-girl-freed-after-10-years-of-house-imprisonment/
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/hijab-policewomen-berlin-green-party-pushes/d/135309