'Inclusive' Race by the East London Mosque Trust Bans Women And Girls Over 12
New Age Islam News Bureau
13 October 2025
· 'Inclusive' Race by the East London Mosque Trust Bans Women And Girls Over 12
· Sara Shahverdi, The Female Firebrand Fighting The Patriarchy In Rural Iran
· Iran's Streets 'Transformed' As More Women Shun The Mandatory Hijab
· Iranian Singer Hana Kamkar on Exile, Censorship, and Her First Solo Concert
· Pak Woman Who Escaped Jail In Nepal Arrested In Tripura
· How China Helps Empower Women From Asia To Africa
· Since India’s Independence, Only 18 Muslim Women Have Entered The Lok Sabha
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/east-london-mosque-women-race/d/137227
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'Inclusive' Race by the East London Mosque Trust Bans Women And Girls Over 12
Jess Warren
Oct 13, 2025
Organisers limited participation in the race to men, boys and girls under 12
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A charity run organised by the East London Mosque Trust has excluded women and girls aged 13 and over from taking part.
The Muslim Charity Run, which was held in Victoria Park in Tower Hamlets on Sunday, said on its website: "Our inclusive atmosphere ensures that every individual, from the youngest to the oldest, can take part and make a difference."
It added: "This is open to men, boys of all ages and girls under 12, but everyone is welcome at the park to cheer on the runners."
The organisers have been contacted by BBC London for comment.
The 3.1-mile (5km) event, previously known as Run 4 Your Mosque, was the 12th race to be held by organisers.
It faced criticism on social media, where people questioned why women were not allowed to take part in the race, given the focus on inclusivity.
Source: bbc.com
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c1kwk1204jno
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Sara Shahverdi, The Female Firebrand Fighting The Patriarchy In Rural Iran
13 Oct 2025
Formidable … Sara Shahverdi (right) in Cutting Through Rocks. Photograph: Publicity image
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Being the first anything is a point of pride, but also a burden. Sara Shahverdi has carved her own path through a deeply conservative village in rural Iran. An experienced midwife who has delivered more than 400 babies, she has always done what is not permitted of women: to ride a motorcycle in public, to get a divorce and to live alone. Now she has taken on another herculean task: to become the first female councillor to be elected in this part of the country.
Staying close to its subject, Sara Khaki and Mohammadreza Eyni’s dynamic documentary captures the full force of Shahverdi’s formidable personality. An early scene shows her barging into the home of her brothers, demanding they return the rights of land inheritance to her sisters. The film expands from Shahverdi’s private issues to take in the full scope of patriarchal oppression in her community. Here, schoolgirls as young as 12 are forced into marriage, divorce is nearly impossible to obtain, and married women have little legal protection. Shahverdi’s resounding election victory is a beacon of hope, but even her celebrations are overshadowed by misogyny. Her male supporters can dance in the streets, while women have to film the revelries through a barred window.
As councilwoman, Shahverdi brings stunning changes to the village; however, her support of women and girls also incites hateful accusations about her sexuality that land her in court. Through these trials and tribulations, and moving between moods of jubilation and doubt, the documentary evocatively conveys her sisyphean exhaustion, where every step of progress is undone by new setbacks. While we might want to hear more about the specific cultural geography of the Azeri Turk community to which Shahverdi belongs, this remains a thought-provoking portrait of an extraordinary spirit.
Source: theguardian.com
https://www.theguardian.com/film/2025/oct/13/cutting-through-rocks-review-the-female-firebrand-fighting-the-patriarchy-in-rural-iran
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Iran's Streets 'Transformed' As More Women Shun The Mandatory Hijab
Oct 13, 2025
Iranian journalist Zeinab Rahimi has refused to wear the mandatory hijab for over two years, despite the risk of arrest and imprisonment.
She is among a growing number of women and girls who have stopped covering their head in public, in direct defiance of the country’s clerical rulers.
“I enjoy seeing women dress the way they like and letting their hair out,” Rahimi told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda, describing the visible change on the streets of Tehran, the Iranian capital.
“We haven’t experienced this in our country for many years,” added the 22-year-old. “It’s beautiful when you don’t have to wrap yourself up, especially when you have always resented it.”
Turning Point
The turning point was the antiestablishment protests that rocked Iran in 2022, following the death in custody of Mahsa Amini, a young woman who was arrested for violating the hijab law.
Women were at the forefront of the protests, during which some removed and burned their hijab. The demonstrations snowballed into the biggest threat to the authorities in decades, with some protesters calling for an end to clerical rule.
In the wake of the protests, the authorities initially attempted to double down on their enforcement of the hijab, which has been mandatory since soon after the Islamic Revolution in 1979.
Hard-line lawmakers last year passed a new controversial law to enforce the hijab under which violators would face lengthy prison terms, hefty fines, and travel bans.
But wary of provoking unrest, Iran's Supreme National Security Council suspended the implementation of the Hijab And Chastity law.
A member of Iran’s Expediency Council, which serves as an advisory body to the supreme leader, said this month that the new hijab law was unenforceable.
Mohammad Reza Bahonar told reporters on October 3 that there was essentially “no compulsory hijab law in force.”
His comments triggered an uproar among hard-liners. But they also underscored the reality on the ground in major cities where the authorities have relaxed their enforcement of the hijab, a key pillar of the Islamic republic.
Irreversible Changes
Radio Farda spoke to 12 women in seven Iranian cities who said the number of women ditching the Islamic head scarf had increased on the streets and in cafes and restaurants in recent years.
Rahimi, the Iranian journalist, said women’s shunning of the hijab has been gradual.
Following the 2022 protests, women who did not wear a hijab kept a head scarf in their bag or loosely around their shoulders in case they were approached by the dreaded morality police, which enforced the hijab, she said.
“Nowadays, women go out entirely without a head scarf,” said Rahimi. “They don’t wear it, and they don’t keep it around their shoulders or in their bags.”
Despite the shift, Rahimi said a significant number of women still wear the head scarf for fear of retribution by the authorities.
The defiance of the hijab law is starkest in bigger cities. But even in smaller cities and towns, attitudes toward women’s rights, including the freedom to choose what to wear, is changing, and women are defying the authorities.
A woman in the southwestern city of Yasuj, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the “percentage of women who go out without the hijab in Yasuj is much smaller than in Tehran, but locals see these women as brave.”
Many Iranian women believe the changes are here to stay.
“This change cannot be reversed or controlled,” Mojgan Ilanlou, a Tehran-based filmmaker who has documented Iranian women’s struggles, told Radio Farda. “But that doesn’t mean the government has changed its stance on the hijab.”
Ilanlou added that the authorities have been “forced to retreat” by “the determination of Iranian women who fought tooth and nail for their right to wear what they want and now strive to protect that achievement.”
“Authorities know that if they resist it will cost them and it will hurt them profoundly,” she said.
Source: newsgram.com
https://www.newsgram.com/women-empowerment/2025/10/13/irans-streets-transformed-women-shun-hijab
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Iranian Singer Hana Kamkar on Exile, Censorship, and Her First Solo Concert
OCTOBER 13, 2025
AIDA GHAJAR
Hana Kamkar will perform her first unrestricted solo concert on October 17 in Berlin - something Iranian law has forbidden her to do for her entire career.
The singer, actress, and filmmaker from Iran's prominent Kamkar musical family left the country after a 24-year battle against censorship.
She was pulled off stage mid-performance, had her microphone turned off during shows, and her voice was erased from concert recordings. She was ultimately banned from working after appearing in a 2017 play.
Iranian authorities prohibit women from singing solo in public, claiming religious grounds, despite there being no formal law.
Kamkar said in 2021 that she would never perform in Iran again until women could sing freely.
She was interrogated by Revolutionary Guard intelligence, banned from leaving Tehran, and had her Instagram account shut down for five months during the 2022–2023 protests following Mahsa Amini's death in custody.
In an interview with IranWire before her Berlin concert, Kamkar discusses watching her mother being whipped by the morality police at the age of 10, her family's resistance to censorship, why she believes male Iranian musicians should stop performing until women have equal rights, and how she has rebuilt her artistic career in Germany.
She recently appeared in the theatrical production "Four Narratives of a Rebellion" and is preparing screenplays about her grandfather, the musician Hassan Kamkar, and the legendary singer Qamar al-Moluk Vaziri.
Each of us as women in Iranian society, regardless of the violent laws against us, has felt discrimination in our families and community. How did you experience these restrictions as a woman?
In my family, being a woman or a man was never an issue - being human was what mattered. Hijab? Never. I even grew up in an environment where all my father's friends had sons. Only Ava Meshkatiyan and I were girls, and she was five years younger than I was. I was the only girl in that age group until I entered society, school, and high school. Even then, I didn't understand the issue of the headscarf.
The memory I mentioned in the play 'Four Narratives of a Rebellion' was the first time I became disgusted with the compulsory hijab. We were traveling in the north. I was ten years old. My mother was in the water with me, wearing a long coat, trousers, and a headscarf. The water only reached her knees.
Suddenly, agents rushed to the shore and began behaving violently. They whipped anyone in the water, including my mother. Because her clothes were wet, the pain of the whip was worse. I said this exact dialogue in that play, "The veins on my mother's forehead were bulging from the pain of the whip hitting her wet clothes, and she said nothing so she wouldn't be arrested, and I would be left alone."
It's horrific to see your mother whipped in front of you. Could you ever get past that deep wound?
This trauma never left me. When Zhina [Mahsa Amini] fell into a coma, I remembered that exact moment. I had asked my mother why they were whipping her. She said, "Because women shouldn't go in the water." I didn't understand at all. I had seen photos from the second Pahlavi era of women swimming in bathing suits.
What did it mean? My mother was only knee-deep in the water, next to me, so that I could wade. Ten days before Zhina fell into a coma, following a social media campaign, I had posted a photo without a headscarf on Instagram. It didn't cause much reaction. But when Zhina fell into a coma, all my rage multiplied tenfold, and I remembered that memory with my mother. On my Instagram, I posted a video of agents beating a mother holding her child with batons, and I recounted that memory.
Many female singers have been pulled off stage mid-performance on multiple occasions so the show could continue. Has this happened to you? In a recent example, Mohsen Sharifian's daughter wasn't allowed to perform on stage.
Yes. I believe no one should submit, and the performance shouldn't go on either. However, for any performance, three groups are involved: the venue officials, the organizers, and the event group, whether it's a theater or a concert. In the 2010s, we were touring Iranian cities with the Kamkar band.
I was a backing vocalist and a daf player. My aunt, Ghashang Kamkar, played the setar, and Saba Kamkar was also a backing vocalist. I also told this story in "Four Narratives of a Rebellion." My uncle Houshang directed the group. The tour reached Abarshahr in Isfahan. The contract had been signed. Then the organizers said the concert had to be performed without women. My uncle Houshang gave interviews and said even if they offered billions of tomans, the Kamkars would not perform without Ghashang, Hana, and Saba. The concert was canceled. It was a difficult time - my father was seriously ill, and we had high expenses - but that concert was valuable.
However, sometimes contracts are binding, and financial commitments make cancellations impossible. In fact, it was after these cancellations that such contracts became common. For example, for my uncle Ardeshir's concert, they demanded he perform without female musicians, one of whom was his own daughter. After the debate, they cited financial commitments as the reason. The concert couldn't be canceled.
I also had bitter experiences. During the play Yerma at Hafez Hall, which ran for 40 nights, I sang Yasmin Levy's Spanish solos. At first, when they realized it was in Spanish, they said there was no problem. After a week, as my voice got stronger, they said the sound had to be lowered, and I needed a backing vocalist. Ashkan Sadeghi sang with me without a microphone, and they also lowered mine. The second night, they turned my microphone off. I'm a theater actor — I know how to project my voice. The third night, they wouldn't let me into the venue. I climbed over the iron bars and went on stage anyway. The audience was in the hall; they [agents] couldn't stop me. From the next day, they agreed to let me sing again, but added a microphone for Ashkan too. It was turned on, but he still sang quietly.
Another example was Mr. Rahmanian's play Local Songs. He insisted I should sing solo. I played a girl from Ilam with half her face burned. For ten nights, I sang behind the microphone. Then they said it couldn't continue.
Mr. Rahmanian stood firm. One of the singers lip-synced while I sang solo - his microphone had no sound, mine did.
Despite all this support, you eventually announced you would no longer perform on stage and said goodbye to Iranian theater.
In 2017, the IRGC Intelligence secretly filmed Mr. Rahmanian's play and demanded it be shut down. He refused, saying, "It's impossible. Shut it down yourselves." They couldn't - because there's actually no law prohibiting women's voices; they call it a religious issue. The pressure began. Files were opened for the entire group. I was interrogated in the same place where Zhina was killed. I said, "I worked in a play permitted by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. The director and the venue hold the necessary permits. Why don't you question your own minister?" The interrogator replied, "We'll bring your minister too." He meant Rouhani's minister. I told him, "I apologize for voting for Rouhani." This is the first time I'm saying that publicly through your platform.
I was banned from working. The entire group was banned from collaborating. Even Mr. Talebi, the director of the music office. For a year, I couldn't find work in theater. No one would give me work either. During that time, I released the documentary Chavosh: From Overture to Finale.
They were furious that I was again making headlines - this time as a filmmaker. When I finally returned to the theater after a year, inspectors would always ask, "Kamkar isn't singing, right?" I endured for a year and a half, but in 2021, I said goodbye to Iranian theater and cinema because of the prohibition on women's voices.
Another absurd incident happened in 2018, when I was banned from theater work. During the Kamkar band's final concert, I realized my voice wasn't coming through the monitors. Afterward, I learned my vocals had been completely removed from the hall's sound. That's when I decided I would return to the group only when I could sing solo.
The examples you gave from Mr. Rahmanian are adequate support. But a statement from you was controversial. You said you wish men would be silent until women's voices are free. Many argue that this means opposing joy and the existing cultural landscape. What's your response to them?
Look, for six or seven months after the Woman, Life, Freedom movement, no concerts were held. Then they announced that concerts could resume. One male singer had a concert. The venue was packed. This was while the slogan Woman, Life, Freedom was still echoing, and we female singers were crying out because the most fundamental right - singing - had been taken from us. After that, one male singer after another went back to work.
I felt terrible. The injustice was unbearable. How could they step on all that blood, will, and courage and return to the stage? Did everyone need the money? No, Azizam, they didn't. They insisted on holding concerts to normalize the situation.
On Instagram, I wrote that I wouldn't even attend such concerts as an audience member. My protest was to the audience. Even if God himself were performing. Why do you go to these concerts when women can't sing? I also boycotted the so-called "women-only" concerts. Many attacked me, but I think they're absurd. What does a "women's concert" even mean? Is it a public bath? Do we have "gentlemen's concerts"? When young girls go to male pop singers' shows and jump around, is that not a problem? Is the problem only women's singing?
Now conditions have changed. The atmosphere has shifted, and everyone is back to work - actors, painters, musicians. It saddens me that I still have to plead with musicians not to perform.
Although from the depths of my heart, I still ask each of my colleagues not to hold concerts until women can sing freely. But I can't expect the entire music community to be unemployed because of the stance of a few female singers. Even my father has announced he won't perform anymore. He hasn't even joined the Kamkar band.
You said the problem is this hormonal movement. Do you think opposition to women's singing is really about hormones, or is it about giving women liberation, power, and independence? What has singing given you?
Certainly, one issue is power. But singing gives me liberation, even in the worst conditions. When I first moved to Germany, my mental and emotional state was fragile. I was upset and disoriented. During that time, a small concert was held at a music institute. After that performance, I felt renewed and vigorous.
Even in Iran, two months before I left, I gave an underground concert attended by around 300 people. I was in a terrible state - I'd hit a dead end. I couldn't fight anymore. But after that concert, my energy returned. Perhaps those two months before I left, I continued working thanks to that energy.
When I sing, I feel detached from time and place - as if I'm floating on clouds. The 'heaven' religious people talk about? I experience it when I sing. Whether their opposition stems from hormones or fear of power, I don't know. They're not singers. They're not women. No man, even a singer, can feel what we feel when we sing.
In recent years, especially after Zhina, alternative environments for women's singing have increased. Like Parastoo Ahmadi's online concert and hundreds of girls and women singing on Instagram, and as soon as they sing, security agencies close their pages. What's your assessment of this new space?
I'm happy and hopeful. Years ago, I said in an interview that it was unbelievable how many women were sending me recordings of their voices. Especially after Mohammad Rahmanian's Local Songs, people began to see me as separate from the Kamkar brand. I heard voices from Kurdistan, Gilan, and Khorasan - it melted my heart.
But I worry about exploitation. Some people might chase fame, saying, "Because she's a female singer, she'll get thousands of followers." Some imitate others' voices. Don't imitate. Sing with your own voice. I advise every woman also to learn a melodic instrument. I couldn't continue kamancheh lessons with my uncle Ardeshir because I was studying cinema. However, learning an instrument can make you better. I want this beautiful army of Iranian female singers to be strong.
And if you hear a woman's voice out of tune, don't judge. Iranian women haven't had the courage or opportunity to sing correctly and present their art. Everyone has performed in hiding. I myself once sang at Abbas Kiarostami's 83rd birthday, months after Zhina's death, without rehearsal and without instruments. I performed a very difficult piece by my uncle, Arsalan, 'My House Is Cloudy,' without a hijab. My tahrir broke twice, and my voice cracked once. People attacked me. No one thought about the conditions I was singing in, without a hijab. While they had charged me with "leading incitement to riots," in those conditions, it was natural.
Give Iranian women access to concert halls, to practice, to prepare. Did current male singers sound perfect from the start? They improved through trial and error. Which Iranian woman has ever had that chance? Give us the same space - we'll show you. I'm not saying we'll surpass them, but at least give us an equal, human arena.
Hana, now that you've left Iran. Not for travel and concerts, but for life. Do you see a significant distance between the activism space of Iranians outside the country and the reality in Iran?
I don't know how to answer that - it's indescribable. Just as we were reaching calm, solidarity, and consensus, war broke out. Conditions are abnormal - both in Iran and outside it. Here, because we're far away, we lack access and feel helpless. On the other hand, we have safety. When I was in Iran, I used to tell friends abroad not to "judge from the mountaintop." Now that I'm outside, I understand that mountaintop view.
People inside Iran are suffering terribly. I keep telling myself to understand them. After the war, things deteriorated further. The distance between us is excellent. Yet, people here can make more rational decisions because of their safer environment. But there are more slogans here, too. I'm sad that Iranians abroad can't unite. Why does everyone want to be king? Everyone wants to raise their own flag, to lead. Kingdom means power. Everyone wants to sit in a position of power.
Let me give an example: an independent music group whose singer is a woman performs here, but no one attends. We should be supporting each other. If there's a theater, we should go. But we don't. The media also bears responsibility - they promote only what serves their interests. You tell them, "I performed this song," but they ignore it. Then suddenly, they call you to talk about someone else.
Now that you're outside Iran, how do you see the continuation of your artistic work? Tell us about Four Narratives of a Rebellion and also the concert you have on October 17 in Berlin.
This event is very special to me - after several years away from the theater, I'm back on stage. The moment I stepped on, every cell in my body trembled with excitement. When I said, "Now I'm here, in front of you, on a stage where I never thought I'd tell my own story," tears ran down my face. I remembered the last night of the play, Harry, when I sobbed facing the empty seats, knowing it would be my last performance after 24 years. That was mourning - a farewell.
The night of Niloufar Beyzaie's play, I remembered that moment. Here, I see a horizon - that before old age, I can still reach my dreams. In Iran, I saw no horizon, especially after the Woman, Life, Freedom movement faded. That's why I was furious when male colleagues resumed concerts. It felt as if dreams had lost all value. However, this theater was a form of therapy for me. I narrated my own story, from birth to exile.
Rehearsals were hard. I had psychological damage. I got nervous. I couldn't memorize lines. It was my own life, and part of me resisted revisiting it. After the third performance, I felt a sense of liberation. I had always dreamed of performing 'Smiles and Tears' in Iran, playing the role of Maria. Even when musical theater began, I was never offered that role. They chose famous cinema faces, even those who couldn't sing.
I refused to work in Iranian cinema - I either disagreed with the funding sources or the content clashed with my values. My family also avoided television. So the dream of playing Maria stayed with me. Niloufar Beyzaie placed Maria within my soul. She asked my favorite film; I said 'Smiles and Tears.' She wrote for me based on that. I reached that dream here.
We'll also perform in Nuremberg on November 8. I'm now preparing for my October 17 concert in Berlin, which will take place in a larger hall beautifully arranged by Bardia Kiaras. It features pieces from my 24 years of singing in theater, music, and film.
I was among the first to sing solo in Iranian cinema - my voice survived, alive and strong. This Berlin concert is the same one I performed underground in Tehran, but with new arrangements and instrumentation. Iranian female musician Sara Hasti will play kamancheh. I'm thrilled to have my own orchestra and finally stand on my own feet - something I've been denied for years.
During the Woman, Life, Freedom uprising, I was banned from transactions, forbidden from leaving Tehran, and without a phone for 66 days. My Instagram was closed for five months, and when it reopened, they ordered me to delete all my posts. I wondered what to do. Besides releasing the underground track "Dance of Freedom" (Lavin) in Kurdish, I wrote two screenplays: one about my grandfather, Master Hassan Kamkar, the father of the Kamkars, and another about Qamar al-Moluk Vaziri. I never gave up. When I left Iran, I made a pact with myself: Hana, you can go only if you promise to hold concerts, act in the theater and film, and make your grandfather's movie. After his, I'll make Qamar's.
Do you think about returning to Iran to perform again?
What a question… If they let me, why not? Of course, without hijab and singing solo. Both theater and concerts. I'm ready to return to the cinema too. On the condition that people are safe, earn a decent living, the hijab is completely abolished in workplaces and films, and women's voices are finally free.
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/society/145511-i-experience-heaven-when-i-sing-iranian-singer-hana-kamkar-on-exile-censorship-and-her-first-solo-concert/
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Pak woman who escaped jail in Nepal arrested in Tripura
by Debraj Deb
October 12, 2025
A Pakistani woman who allegedly fled from prison in Nepal during the recent unrest in the Himalayan country was arrested in Sabroom under the South Tripura district late Saturday evening. The woman was arrested after she reached Sabroom on the Kanchanjungha Express that plies between Sealdah in West Bengal and Sabroom in Tripura.
Speaking to reporters, an officer of the Government Railway Police (GRP) informed that the woman was detained after she was spotted moving suspiciously at the Sabroom railway station.
During the interrogation, she initially claimed to be one Saheena Parveen, 50, from Purani Basti in Delhi. However, since she could not provide any valid identification documents, she was further probed, and a few sheets of paper with several Pakistani contact numbers scribbled on them were found tied to her waist, the officer said.
She later confessed to being Louis Nighat Akhtar Bhano, wife of one Md Golaf Faraj, a resident of Younganabad village in Sheikhupura district of Pakistan.
The woman apparently told interrogators that she had travelled to Nepal 12 years ago on a passport and got involved in drug trafficking. She was arrested by the Nepal Police in 2014 for possessing brown sugar and was sentenced to a 15-year jail term.
The Pakistani woman was lodged at Kathmandu Jail, but escaped custody during the recent unrest in Nepal that led to a change of guard in the country.
She entered India about a fortnight ago and supposedly learnt from her associates about the possibility of returning to Pakistan via Bangladesh, the officer said, citing the woman’s purported confession.
The woman is learnt to have confessed during interrogation that she tried to cross the border through West Bengal but failed, following which she decided to travel to Sabroom to get into Bangladesh.
Further interrogation is being conducted to ascertain details of her activities and her accomplices.
Tripura shares an 856 km-long international border with Bangladesh, parts of which are still unfenced due to local disputes.
Source: indianexpress.com
https://indianexpress.com/article/india/pak-woman-nepal-jail-arrested-tripura-10303176/
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How China helps empower women from Asia to Africa
2025-10-13
"Women are creators of material and spiritual wealth, and represent an important force driving social development and progress," Chinese President Xi Jinping once said.
Xi made the observation while chairing the Global Leaders' Meeting on Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment at the UN Headquarters in New York on Sept 27, 2015, where he outlined China's commitment to advancing women's development and international cooperation.
Over the past decade, China has made significant strides in promoting the all-round development of women. Countless Chinese women are excelling in different domains, contributing their strength and wisdom to global peace and development, as well as to the better protection of women and children.
At the same time, China has joined hands with countries worldwide to empower women. From Asia to Africa, inspiring stories of shared efforts toward building a better world have accelerated the global advancement of the cause of women.
SAFEGUARDING HER WELL-BEING
In late September, 14-year-old Alifa Chin from Bangladesh visited China for the third time. She toured universities and exchanged ideas with her Chinese peers, gathering inspiration and energy to pursue her dreams.
When Chin was born in 2010, her mother suffered a difficult delivery due to a severe heart problem. At that time, the Chinese naval hospital ship Peace Ark was in Bangladesh as part of a multiple-country mission to provide free medical services to local people. Upon learning of the emergency, Chinese doctors aboard the ship rushed to the local hospital to perform a cesarean section on her mother. Both mother and daughter were saved.
The child's father, Anwar Hossen, named his daughter "Chin," meaning "China" in Bengali.
In 2017, Chin met Dr. Sheng Ruifang, a Chinese female doctor who had performed the surgery. As they embraced warmly, the young girl called out "Chinese mother" in English. From that moment, the dream of becoming a doctor took root. Dr. Sheng encouraged her, saying, "I am willing to share all my experience with you."
In 2023, Chin wrote a letter to Xi, sharing her special connection with China and her dream. The president responded, encouraging her to study hard to make her dream come true, give back to her family, contribute to society and serve her country.
Chin framed Xi's letter, and displayed it on her desk. "I want to tell dear Grandpa Xi that I have always remembered your advice and am studying hard to achieve my dreams," she said. "My 'Chinese mother' gave me both life and inspiration, and I hope to follow her example by using my abilities to help and save others."
On a global scale, China's initiatives demonstrate its commitment to women's welfare. It has helped developing countries implement 100 "health projects for women and children" and 100 "happy campus projects," providing educational support to disadvantaged girls.
Irina Bokova, former director-general of UNESCO, spoke highly of the Prize for Girls' and Women's Education, jointly established by China and UNESCO in 2015. The award has supported 20 projects across 19 countries, raising global awareness about the importance of education for women's well-being and empowerment.
HELPING HER SHINE IN LIFE
Tahiya Bauso Massawe, a female cattle keeper from Tanzania, has benefited greatly from China's Juncao technology. At first, she was skeptical about this new type of forage introduced by Chinese experts.
"It looks like sugarcane. Would the cattle actually eat it?" She wondered. Yet the cows love it, and the milk production nearly doubled.
Rising income has allowed Massawe to buy new equipment and a vehicle, and hired 16 employees -- half of them women. She encouraged other women to grow Juncao as well, helping many earn their income for the first time and enabling them to support their families and children's education.
For Massawe, Juncao symbolizes equality, hope and opportunity. She said that this technology brought by Chinese experts has gradually improved their lives and transformed the role of local women.
Xi has emphasized on multiple international occasions the vital role of women's development in achieving common progress. "Development cannot be achieved without women, and the benefits it brings must be shared by all," he said at the 2015 UN meeting.
Today, the Juncao technology has provided employment opportunities for women in 106 countries worldwide. The Bamboo as a Substitute for Plastic Initiative, jointly launched by China and the International Bamboo and Rattan Organization, has improved the lives of women in many African countries. Additionally, Luban Workshop, a Chinese vocational training program, has trained nearly 6,000 female students.
For Gertrude Mongella, secretary-general of the Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, in some developing countries, women continue to lag behind men in many fields due to a lack of funding, knowledge and skills.
In a recent interview with Xinhua, she expressed her hope for China to continue sharing its experiences and strengthening cooperation with more countries, including African nations, to promote the continuous development of global women's affairs.
GREATER HER EMPOWERMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
In late September, over 40 female officials from Pakistan and the Central African Republic visited China to participate in capacity-building workshops organized by the newly established Global Exchange and Cooperation Center for Digital Empowerment of Women.
In cities and towns like Beijing, Shanghai, Hangzhou and Yiwu, they studied China's grassroots governance, researched cases related to women's entrepreneurship, digital villages and cross-border e-commerce. The visit helped them gain firsthand insight into how China leverages digital technologies to empower women, boosting both women's self-development and their social contribution.
To deepen cooperation in capacity-building for women in developing countries, China has initiated over 100 training projects focused on women and children in developing countries since 2018, training nearly 4,000 talents in the field of women's empowerment.
Additionally, China has established a global training base for women's development cooperation and exchange, designing tailored empowerment programs for developing countries. Collaborative training and exchange centers have been set up in partnership with 15 countries. Leveraging the Global Development and South-South Cooperation Fund, China has also implemented women-focused projects in more than 20 countries, with total funding exceeding $40 million.
For Bokova, the former UNESCO head, one of China's most impressive recent achievements is how Chinese women are "riding the wave" of the digital economy.
"We know all too well that this is the economy of the future," Bokova observed. "If we want to support women's empowerment, we should equip women with digital skills so they can participate flexibly and fully in the growing digital economy. That is exactly what China is doing today."
Monica Monteiro, chairperson of the Brazilian Chapter of BRICS Women's Business Alliance, said that while women in developing countries still face certain obstacles, digitalization and the knowledge economy are creating new opportunities and opening new pathways for women's development.
China has achieved remarkable success in promoting women's employment and entrepreneurship in the digital technology sector, providing valuable references and examples for Global South countries, she said.
Source: ecns.cn
https://www.ecns.cn/voices/2025-10-13/detail-ihevxaaq6003781.shtml
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Since India’s Independence, Only 18 Muslim Women Have Entered The Lok Sabha
October 13, 2025
NEW DELHI — In the 78 years since India’s independence, only 18 Muslim women have entered the Lok Sabha, a strikingly small number given that Muslims constitute nearly 14 percent of the country’s population and women about 48 percent.
Despite these odds, the contributions of these parliamentarians reflect courage, service, and an unwavering commitment to the nation. Their journeys also shed light on the persistent structural and societal challenges faced by Muslim women in politics.
According to BBC Hindi the story of Muslim women in India’s Parliament begins with Mofida Ahmed, who in 1957 won the Jorhat seat in Assam to become one of the first Muslim women MPs in the Lok Sabha. Ahmed’s political career, however, faced challenges when she narrowly lost in 1962 to Rajendranath Barua of the Praja Socialist Party by just 907 votes. Her dedication to the nation was evident during the 1962 India-China war, when she donated all her jewellery to the National Defence Fund, demonstrating patriotic commitment over personal wealth.
In the same year, Zohraben Akbarbhai Chavda emerged victorious from Banaskantha, Gujarat. A disciple of Mahatma Gandhi, Chavda had worked at Gujarat Vidyapith and, alongside her husband, founded the Sarvodaya Ashram in 1948 to serve the Bhil tribal community. Her life embodied service to marginalised communities, reflecting how Muslim women contributed to social welfare long before holding political office.
Begum Akbar Jahan, wife of Kashmir’s Sheikh Abdullah, was elected to the Lok Sabha twice, from Srinagar in 1977 and Anantnag in 1984. Fondly remembered in Kashmir as ‘Madar-e-Mehrban’ (Mother of Mercy), she remained by her husband during his two-year detention in Kodaikanal. When she passed away in 2000, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Home Minister LK Advani attended her funeral, while the Union Cabinet expressed deep grief, recognising her towering legacy in the region.
Rashida Haque Choudhury, wife of former minister Moin-ul-Haque Choudhury, made history in 1977 when she won from Silchar on a Congress ticket and became India’s first Muslim woman minister after independence, serving as Minister of State for Social Welfare in Charan Singh’s cabinet in 1979. Rashida later switched to Devraj Urs’ Congress but faced electoral defeat in 1980, highlighting the volatile nature of political careers for women.
Mohsina Kidwai, meanwhile, carved a path in Uttar Pradesh politics, contesting from Meerut in 1980 and 1984. Recalling her early campaigning experiences, she told the BBC, “In those days, Azamgarh was a very backward place. It still is. There were no restaurants or decent hotels to stay in. I booked a room for Indiraji at the government guesthouse, but the attendant refused to open it… I told him, ‘Indira Gandhi is sitting in the car.’ As soon as he heard this, he rushed to open the door, cursed the minister, and said, ‘Let my job go if it must…’” Kidwai later served as Urban Development Minister under Rajiv Gandhi and was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Chhattisgarh.
According to political analysts Rasheed Kidwai and Amber Kumar Ghosh, “Since the first Lok Sabha election in 1951, only 18 Muslim women have made it to the Lok Sabha. Muslim women constitute about seven percent of the country’s population, yet in five of the 18 elections, not a single Muslim woman reached the Lok Sabha. Out of approximately 7,500 MPs elected since 1951, Muslim women account for only 0.6 percent.”
This stark underrepresentation highlights the structural barriers in Indian politics, despite the existence of 101 constituencies where Muslims constitute over 20 percent of voters.
Abida Begum, widow of Fakhruddin Ahmad, won Bareilly after the death of her husband in 1981, defeating BJP’s Santosh Gangwar. She was re-elected in 1984 but lost in 1989, marking the slow decline of her political career. Similarly, Noor Bano, a prominent Rampur politician, entered the Lok Sabha in 1996, following in the footsteps of her politically active husband Nawab Syed Zulfiqar Ali Khan. Known for her distinctive white chiffon saree and poised presence, she won the Rampur seat but eventually lost to Jaya Prada in 2004.
Mehbooba Mufti, former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, entered the Lok Sabha in 2014 from Anantnag. She balanced raising her daughters while assisting her father, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, in political matters, reflecting the challenges women face juggling family and politics. She continues to influence regional politics as the PDP president for the fourth time in 2023.
In recent years, leaders such as Tabassum Hasan, who won Kairana in a 2018 by-election with cross-party support, and Mausam Benazir Noor, who represented Malda North, have demonstrated the enduring impact of Muslim women in politics. Young parliamentarians like Iqra Hasan, also elected from Kairana, bring fresh energy and expertise, holding degrees in international politics and law from prestigious institutions.
Of the 18 Muslim women MPs, 13 hail from political families, mostly from Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, and Assam. This pattern underscores the reliance on political legacies for women’s entry into parliamentary politics, limiting opportunities for grassroots leaders.
A few Muslim women transitioned from other spheres into politics. Rani Nara, a former Assam state cricket captain, became Minister of State for Tribal Affairs in 2012. Bengali cinema star Nusrat Jahan Ruhi won Basirhat in 2019 but faced criticism for her low attendance in Parliament. These examples reflect evolving paths for women into public service.
The journeys of these 18 Muslim women MPs reveal persistent social, cultural, and political barriers. Rasheed Kidwai and Amber Kumar Ghosh observe, “Despite 75 years of independence, Muslim women have struggled for representation, and their political participation continues to be marginal. Their stories are a testament to resilience and dedication, often against significant odds.”
From Mofida Ahmed’s patriotic sacrifice to Iqra Hasan’s youthful vigour, Indian Muslim women have shown resilience, intelligence, and dedication in the Lok Sabha. Their limited numbers, however, point to systemic gaps in political inclusion. While they have made indelible contributions to governance, social welfare, and national policy, India’s democratic institutions must continue to create pathways that empower Muslim women to play a fuller role in shaping the nation’s future.
Source: clarionindia.net
https://clarionindia.net/muslim-women-in-lok-sabha-a-journey-of-political-challenges-and-patriarchal-hurdles/
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/east-london-mosque-women-race/d/137227