Banned from Bathhouses: Afghan Women Face Hygiene Crisis After Taliban Crackdown
New Age Islam News Bureau
26 May 2025
· Banned from Bathhouses: Afghan Women Face Hygiene Crisis After Taliban Crackdown
· AlUla’s Oral Storyteller Aljawharah Ibrahim Abdulkarim Historians Tell Tales as Old as Time
· Meet the Leading Female Horse Riders in Saudi Arabia
· These Women Are Defying Iran's Hijab Laws — Despite Fear Of Reprisal
· A Tale of Two Films as Iran's Panahi Wins Cannes Top Award
· Mother of Slain Iranian Protester Returns to Prison
Compiled by New Age Islam News Bureau
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/afghan-women-hygiene-crisis-taliban-crackdown/d/135670
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Banned from Bathhouses: Afghan Women Face Hygiene Crisis After Taliban Crackdown
25 May 2025
Several women in Kabul say that after the closure of public bathhouses designated for women and the lack of access to sufficient water, they have been forced to go to relatives’ homes to maintain personal hygiene for themselves and their families. These women say that this has created numerous challenges for them. They view the Taliban’s closure of women-only bath houses as a clear symbol of extremism and a deliberate attempt to impose restrictions on women. According to them, shutting down public spaces for women amounts to stripping them of their civil rights.
In interviews with the Hasht-e Subh Daily, some of these women state that women in Afghanistan, like men, have the right to use public facilities such as bathhouses. However, the Taliban have severely restricted their social and professional lives by exploiting religion, customs, and Sharia as tools of control. According to these women, public bathhouses do not contradict religious teachings; in fact, Islam emphasizes hygiene and considers “cleanliness as part of faith.”
Latifa, a resident of Kabul’s District 13, says that before the Taliban shut down public bathhouses for women, she could maintain her hygiene at a low cost. Now, however, she has no choice but to go to her relatives’ homes to bathe. She adds that there is no water access in her neighborhood, and each liter of water costs 20 Afghanis—a situation that has made their lives extremely difficult.
Latifa says: “My husband is a cart-puller and transports people’s goods. We can barely afford rent and drinking water. Once a week, I go to my sister’s house to bathe, but I feel embarrassed by these visits. I wish the bathhouses would reopen, or we could at least get access to water.”
Sabira and Safia, residents of Kabul’s District 5, also criticize the closure of women’s public bathhouses. According to the two sisters, they do not have access to water and therefore have to go to their aunt’s house to bathe.
Sabira says: “Our well dried up a year ago, and my father cannot afford to dig a new one. Now, with great difficulty, we go to our aunt’s house.”
Safia adds: “Since the Taliban came, all the conveniences of life have been taken from us. Before, we could go to the bathhouse whenever we wanted—especially on days when there was a wedding or a special occasion.”
The situation is even more difficult for Sediqa, a girl whose relatives do not live in Kabul. She says they have to walk for hours to obtain water and still struggle to meet their basic needs.
Sediqa says, “There is a water well far from our house, built by a philanthropist. We live in Kabul, yet we have to get permission from the Taliban to use a well.”
Fariba stresses the urgent need to reopen women’s bathhouses. In her view, women in Afghanistan are now deprived of the most basic necessities of life simply because of their gender. She adds: “I know many families who haven’t bathed in two or three weeks. There are so few resources. This situation is unbearable for me.”
Before the closures, many women used these bathhouses by paying 50 to 60 Afghanis to maintain personal hygiene, clean their children, or even wash clothes.
In November 2022, the Taliban’s Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice issued an order declaring women-only bathhouses “un-Islamic” and ordered their closure. The ministry claimed that the decision was made “at the request of the people”—a claim that has sparked widespread criticism and opposition from citizens, especially women.
According to the General Directorate of Craftsmen and Trade, there were a total of 1,136 public bathhouses across Afghanistan, about 20 percent of which were designated for women.
The ban on education for girls above the sixth grade, restrictions on women working in many governmental and non-governmental institutions and organizations, mandatory hijab enforcement, bans on travel without a male guardian, and prohibitions on entering parks, gyms, and women’s bathhouses are among the many restrictions the Taliban have imposed since their return to power in August 2021.
Source: 8am.media
https://8am.media/eng/banned-from-bathhouses-afghan-women-face-hygiene-crisis-after-taliban-crackdown/
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AlUla’s Oral Storyteller Aljawharah Ibrahim Abdulkarim Historians Tell Tales as Old as Time
Jasmine Bager
May 25, 2025
File photo taken in AlUla. (Supplied/RCU)
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JEDDAH: In the timeless landscape of AlUla, stories are not only carved or marked into rock — they are carried in the hearts and voices of its people.
Among those preserving and sharing memories is Aljawharah Ibrahim Abdulkarim, a rawi — or oral storyteller — in the heritage, culture and events department at the Royal Commission for AlUla.
She told Arab News: “Several years ago I took a number of tour guiding courses and decided to pursue a career in this field. I was born and raised in AlUla, so I grew up hearing stories and learning about AlUla Old Town from my parents and relatives who lived there, which allowed me to better understand the history of the site.”
Storytelling for Abdulkarim is not just a job, but a mission. As a native of AlUla, she offers a rare blend of authenticity and academic insight, which she weaves into the tours she leads.
She added: “Since I’ve lived in AlUla my entire life, I’ve witnessed its amazing transformation over the years. Through my work as a rawi I’ve also seen firsthand the exciting future that lies ahead for this unique place. All of these experiences have helped enrich my personal story of AlUla.”
The rawi has historically played an important role in Arab culture, serving as a reciter of poetry and stories.
A trilingual speaker — fluent in her native Arabic, as well as in English and French — Abdulkarim represents the next generation of rawis that will show, and tell, the tales of their ancestors.
She said: “I first started learning English in AlUla. Later, I had the opportunity to travel to France on an RCU scholarship created especially for AlUla students. While there I learned French and obtained my master’s degree in international hospitality management.”
Her ability to connect with international visitors became a key asset, and she added: “The fact that I am a trilingual rawi helps me to better understand the different tourists that come to AlUla, offer more personalized responses to their questions, and share with them the special story of AlUla.
“I’ve also had the chance to represent AlUla and my colleagues across several conferences and campaigns in the Kingdom and globally, connecting me with an even broader audience.”
While much research has been devoted to ancient sites like Dadan and Hegra, Abdulkarim is passionate about shedding light on AlUla — especially the human stories of AlUla’s Old Town.
She said: “There is a lot of available historical information and research for different ancient civilizations, especially for sites in Dadan and Hegra. However, when it comes to places like AlUla Old Town, it is quite different as we are talking about contemporary history.”
What sets her storytelling apart is her commitment to blending historical accuracy with personal memory — without conflating the two.
She said: “The people who once lived there are still with us today, and they’re able to share their stories in their own words.
“During my tours I usually start by sharing historical facts, and then I include memories from my father and family. I make sure to keep the two separate, so the history and personal stories are both respected and clearly understood.”
Beyond those narratives, Abdulkarim regularly invites other community members to lend their voices to the tours.
She added: “During our tours we also invite members of the local community to participate by sharing their stories and knowledge, helping us to tell the broader history of AlUla, through the voices of those who have lived it.”
These efforts are especially resonant during themed tours in which the history is deeply personal.
She added: “For example, during one of our special tours in Ramadan, called Ramadan Memories, my father contributed by sharing how the people of Old Town used to spend the holy month, recounting their daily routines, the food they prepared, their work, and their cherished traditions. In doing so, we offer our valued guests a truly unique and personal experience.”
Preserving and presenting heritage in such moments is more than recounting stories — it is about keeping the very culture and voice alive for future generations.
She said: “Sharing our heritage with people is crucial to prevent it from being lost, especially as elements of heritage can also be intangible.
“AlUla is a jewel to us, and persevering the heritage of the city not only helps to protect our past but also safeguards our present and shapes our future.”
That future is being actively protected, and she added: “Today, for example, we have the first Saudi Heritage Ranger team that are working hard to protect our tangible heritage in our historical and archaeological sites for the coming generations.”
In AlUla, the past is not forgotten: It is spoken, heard and passed down with pride. Through voices like Abdulkarim’s, these stories — some as old as time — are finding new ears.
Source: arabnews.com
Please click the following URL to read the text of the original Story
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2602098/saudi-arabia
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Meet the Leading Female Horse Riders in Saudi Arabia
May 26, 2025
Female horse riders in Saudi Arabia are gaining recognition as trailblazers in the equestrian world. With strength, skill, and dedication, these women are redefining the sport while honoring Saudi traditions. From international titles to historic firsts, they’re proving that passion knows no bounds. Let’s spotlight the most inspiring names in the saddle and celebrate their incredible journeys.
Celebrating the Journey of Female Horse Riders in Saudi Arabia
The rise of female horse riders in Saudi Arabia marks a new chapter for the Kingdom’s sporting culture. These athletes have shattered stereotypes, earned global accolades, and continue to inspire a new generation of young equestriennes across the country. As riding schools and competitions open their doors to women, these pioneers pave the way for a thriving future.
1. DalmaMalhas
Dalma made history by becoming the first Saudi woman to compete in the Youth Olympics, winning a bronze medal in equestrian show jumping in 2010. Her accomplishment was not just personal—it was symbolic of a turning point for Saudi women in sports. Today, she continues to inspire through coaching, mentoring, and speaking about female empowerment.
2. Sara Jedea
A prominent figure in Saudi equestrian sports, Sara has earned attention through national competitions and her dedication to show jumping. She frequently trains abroad and represents a new generation of competitive female riders determined to take Saudi talent to global podiums.
3. AbrarAlabdulqader
Known for her precise technique and disciplined training, Abrar is a strong name in dressage and show jumping circles. She uses her platform to promote responsible riding, horse welfare, and female participation in the Kingdom’s growing equestrian landscape.
4. Shahd Al Shammari
Shahd is gaining recognition for her performances in local jumping competitions. Her calm demeanor and strong bond with her horses have made her a favorite among Saudi riding academies. She often collaborates with youth training programs to mentor future riders.
5. Alia HayelAboutaiyh Al-Howaite
Alia has emerged as a dedicated rider representing the Tabuk region. Her journey is a testament to the expanding opportunities for women in all parts of the Kingdom. She’s known for her passion and community involvement in promoting equestrian sports.
6. Amal bint Faisal
A royal equestrian figure, Amal is passionate about horse culture and often competes in show jumping events. Her presence brings greater visibility to female athletes, and she actively encourages young Saudi girls to pursue riding both as sport and heritage.
7. Dana Al-Gosaibi
Dana blends her love for fashion and horses, creating a unique voice in the Saudi equestrian scene. While competing locally, she also advocates for better accessibility and diversity in the sport. Her Instagram presence brings visibility to female riders in a traditionally male-dominated field. The rise of female horse riders in Saudi Arabia reflects a broader movement toward inclusivity, empowerment, and progress. These women are not just making their mark in the sport—they are shifting cultural perceptions, inspiring younger generations, and helping redefine what it means to be a Saudi athlete. Their stories remind us that with passion and persistence, anything is possible—even on horseback.
Source: msn.com
https://www.msn.com/en-ae/news/other/meet-the-leading-female-horse-riders-in-saudi-arabia/ar-AA1FtH1P
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These women are defying Iran's hijab laws — despite fear of reprisal
May 26, 2025
The face of Tehran has been undergoing an extraordinary transformation in recent months, some neighbourhoods seeming to channel Beirut as much as the capital of the Islamic Republic where headscarves — or hijabs — have been mandatory for women for 45 years.
Less than three years after the brutal crackdown on the protests that followed the death of MahsaAmini in police custody for an alleged dress code violation, a growing number of women are daring to bare their heads in public.
They're not a majority, but on any given day in north Tehran's popular Tajrish Square, you'll find a mixture of women with and without headscarves. Some don't even wear them around their necks anymore, where they could be pulled up quickly if the decision to go bare-headed is challenged.
"We young people have decided to live the way we like," said Laylah, a 30-year-old self-employed woman out shopping with her mother. The authorities "need to understand that we want to be free, comfortable and liberated."
Like all the women interviewed in this story who were not wearing a headscarf, Laylah did not provide her last name for fear of repercussions for defying her country's hijab laws.
A divided perspective on change
Some analysts believe the Woman, Life, Freedom protest movement sparked by Amini's death in 2022 is here to stay. That the number of women — young and old — defying the hijab law is so great the regime will be unable to reverse it.
Others say Iran's ruling clerics are allowing what's happening to continue because it suits their purposes at this time, noting that stories like this one, which highlight the seemingly dramatic change on the streets, actually distract from the draconian and often sinister ways the state continues to punish women who disobey.
"I think that the authorities, frankly, are getting more clever about how they carry out their reprisals," said NassimPapayianni, a senior Iran campaigner with Amnesty International based in London.
The white vans used by Iran's controversial morality police are still visible on the streets of Tehran. But on a recent — and rare — reporting trip to the city, our crew didn't witness police make any arrests or bully those women not wearing the hijab.
"What they're doing is just trying to adapt in a system that they think won't draw as much international attention," Papayianni said.
"I think they know if they arrest women's rights defenders or women and girls for defying compulsory veiling that there will be a lot of international attention on that."
The methods regularly used by authorities to enforce a dress code in place since just after the 1979 Islamic Revolution range from financial penalties to lashings or jail terms.
And just because women are choosing to defy the law doesn't mean they are not afraid of repercussions.
"I am afraid; I have concerns," said Saha, a 33-year-old human resources worker wearing her long curly hair uncovered while out in public. "But I'm doing this because I want [any future child of mine] not to have the same fear as I do," she said, speaking in Farsi.
The feeling on the street is different now, she said, because more men are supporting women in these actions — as are older generations.
"My mother is quite religious," she said. "She observes the hijab dress code. But at a protest she was standing next to me."
Saha said she'd already been arrested once, after being photographed driving her car while not wearing a headscarf.
New surveillance techniques
Surveillance methods employed by state security forces are growing increasingly sophisticated.
A United Nations report released in March found that drones, facial recognition technology and security cameras were being employed to monitor women's compliance.
There is also an app the public can apply to the police to use that allows approved citizens to report on women deemed to be flouting the rules, said the report, authored by the Independent International Fact-finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The same body determined in 2024 that the state was responsible for the "physical violence" that led to Amini's death in 2022.
There are other societal pressures at play. Many restaurants in Tehran put up signs requesting that women comply with headscarf rules, reminding customers that the restaurant could be closed down if women refused.
"They're trying to pull in, you know, private business owners to essentially police women's bodies," said Amnesty's Papayianni.
One woman who was happy to talk to a foreign news crew off the record said she couldn't have her picture taken without a headscarf for fear it would ruin her chances for a job in the public school system.
Another woman said she didn't want any photos taken that "the mullahs" — the Islamic clergy leaders — could use to harass her.
Stiffer penalties
Last fall, Iran's parliament approved a new hijab and chastity law that would impose even tougher punishments on women violating dress codes: steeper fines and prison sentences of up to 15 years.
So far, Iranian President MasoudPezeshkian has shied away from putting the legislation forward with his signature.
He campaigned for last year's presidential election with promises to ease restrictions on women.
But conservative hardliners close to Iran's ultimate power, the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, have been pushing for the legislation to be implemented.
"Unfortunately [unveiled women] have been influenced by Western culture," said FatemehHojat, a 43-year-old mother wearing a full chador.
"And the fact that the hijab law is not implemented properly in the country has exacerbated this issue," she said.
The undercurrent of fear that many of the women ignoring the hijab laws say they still carry with them could suggest a calm before the proverbial storm.
Some analysts say the regime isn't cracking down harder on these daily acts of defiance because, right now, it can't afford the mass protests that might spark.
Many of Iran's regional allies or proxies have suffered hits over the past year, just as Washington is exerting pressure on Iran in pursuit of a nuclear agreement to its liking.
But there's also no doubt that the actions of an increasing number of Iranian women are seen as a challenge to Iran's theocracy.
And periods of perceived reform or liberalism in the past have often been met with violent crackdowns.
Laylah from Tajrish Square admits it's a possibility.
"Good things will happen again," she said. "If they want to take away our freedom, we will try again to win freedom [...] and to live the way we want to live."
Source: cbc.ca
https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/women-defying-iran-hijab-law-1.7542236
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A Tale of Two Films as Iran's Panahi Wins Cannes Top Award
MAY 25, 2025
ARASH AZIZI
JafarPanahi winning the Palme d’Or for It Was Just an Accident was a crowning artistic achievement: the first time an Iranian director won the award since Abbas Kiarostami’s pioneering Palme in 1997. The award makes Panahi one of the most decorated filmmakers in history and, alongside the Italian auteur Michelangelo Antonioni, one of only two to have won top awards at Cannes, Venice, Berlinale, and Locarno.
But, this being Iran, his victory is also top political news and it led to immediate and contrasting political reactions.
For more than two decades, Panahi has been banned from making films in his country, and he’s endured house arrest and prison stints; yet he’s persevered in making films all the same. He was even allowed to travel to attend Cannes – for the first time since 2009. This gave him a chance to present his boldest political film yet, a story that revolves around a group of former political prisoners who, by chance, capture a former torturer of theirs, or a man they suspect of being so.
The film thus engages in a familiar ethical and political exploration: how will the oppressed act now that they are in a position of power? Panahi’s frank portrayal of the debates between the former prisoners makes this his sharpest film to date.
Unsurprisingly, the regime isn’t happy.
The Student News Network, an outlet run by a student section of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), took the lead in attacking Panahi, accusing him of “selling out Iran.” It went on to describe the director of an “anti-Iranian project.”
The regime-aligned Fars News Agency, meanwhile, attacked the film as an “ordinary” work that didn’t deserve an award. It noted the low regard some French critics, such as the legendary Cahiers du Cinema, had for the film while conveniently forgetting the many positive reviews in other French and international outlets. It went on to accuse Cannes of adopting an “anti-Iranian approach,” given previous awards it had bestowed on films by dissident Iranian filmmakers Mohammad Rasoulof and Ali Abbasi.
But Panahi wasn’t the only Iranian vying for the Palme this year. The official competition at Cannes included another Iranian film, Women and Child, by Saeed Roustayi. This fact alone shows Iranian cinema’s high station. Of the 22 films in competition, only five were from outside Europe and the Americas, two of which were from Iran.
Roustayi’s film features a young single mother, Mahnaz (ParinazIzadyar), who loses her 14-year-old son in an accident involving his grandfather. The film then features Mahnaz’s struggle against the patriarchal society surrounding her while also showing how distrust makes life difficult for different sections of Iranian society.
The film’s showing at Cannes came with its own political commentary. Unlike Panahi, Roustayi worked within the constraints imposed by Iran’s Ministry of Culture and made his film with a permit. Among other restrictions, this means that his actresses observed the compulsory veiling rules, unlike in Panahi’s film, who broke this rule for the first time in his work with It Was Just an Accident.
Roustayi maintains his personal opposition to compulsory hijab. But he insists that obeying the stricture in his films is the only way he can continue working, without needing to hide; by putting up with the restrictions Iranian filmmakers have faced for decades. Far from being a regime favorite, Roustayi has paid a high price for his work in the past. His Leila’s Brothers (2022, also a Cannes competition title) was banned in Iran, and he was sentenced to prison before fighting off the judiciary and having the sentence canceled.
Many Iranians are convinced by Roustayi’s argument regarding including the hijab in his films and have rushed to his defense. This includes Rasoulouf, a Cannes award-winner from last year, who was also short-listed for the Oscars, who congratulated Roustayi when his film was listed.
For their part, pro-regime hardliners have attacked Roustayi for his portrayal of Iran’s difficulties. They highlighted a quote by Saeed in response to a question posed by IranWire at his Cannes press conference. Asked about the bitterness of his films, he said: “My films are bitter because our society is bitter. If it were sweet, I’d make sweet films!” This has angered regime acolytes online and offline.
Most impressively, much of Iran’s cinematic community has closed ranks behind both filmmakers, refusing to choose between them because of the different roles they play in facing the regime’s apparatus of censorship. Roustayi himself was quick to congratulate Panahi, describing his win as a victory for “the great and important cinema of Iran.” Two-time Oscar winner AsgharFarhadi also congratulated Panahi.
In his remarks after accepting the award, Panahi called on Iranian proponents of freedom and democracy to overcome their divisions, adding that “what matters now is our country and its [territorial] integrity… I hope we can get to freedom soon.” The filmmaker thus insisted on both his democratic and patriotic credentials. His film expresses the same message: it shows that divisions among the former prisoners diminish their force. Most crucially, it takes a critical lens, not just toward the regime but towards some of its opponents who, in their zeal against their oppressor, come to mimic its violent methods. By painting a negative picture of Hamid, a former political prisoner who advocates a take-no-prisoners approach to the alleged torturer, Panahi’s film makes a political gesture by criticizing extremism in the opposition, adding another element of courage to the film.
Roustayi’s film also advocates for overcoming divisions, in a way, recognizing Iran’s hopelessly divisive moment. While Parinaz is portrayed as a hero fighting against her many male opponents, her revenge-seeking becomes self-defeating at times, before she realizes that she must recognize her allies and work with them; at a notable moment, a school attendant that had been in conflict with her breaks ranks and helps her at a crucial point. The film is telling us that most Iranians needn’t be enemies, if only they could find points of convergence.
For its part, Iran’s civil society and political opposition have welcomed Panahi’s victory. An open letter signed by 135 political activists congratulated the director, urging him to “continue this bright and inspiring path.” The signatories include Mostafa Tajzadeh, a former deputy interior minister and currently a political prisoner; labor leader EsmayilBakhshi; persecuted rapper ToomajSalehi; Nobel prize laureates ShirinEbadi and NargesMohammadi; and activist MehrangizKar.
In a separate message, Mohammadi praised Panahi as “a brave Iranian filmmaker” whose victory was “not just an accident but achieved through a tireless process of deepening in concepts of humanity and human rights.” She described the award as an honor for “the Iranian nation and our glorious land.”
TahereKhoshkalam, whose husband was amongst those killed by the regime during the Woman, Life, Freedom protests between 2022-2023 protests, congratulated Panahi and shared a picture of him visiting the family.
Reza Pahlavi, a major opposition figure outside Iran, also congratulated Panahi and called the award “a great honor not only for you but also for Iran.” But some of Pahlavi’s colleagues, including the head of a major party supporting him, attacked Panahi’s call for unity as misleading and claimed that Panahi represented only a small minority.
And on the other side of the Iranian political spectrum, the center-left umbrella Coalition for a Secular Democratic Republic in Iran congratulated Panahi, without any reservations or grumbling.
But perhaps the most heartfelt congratulations came from inside the halls of Tehran’s Evin Prison, where Panahi himself was once incarcerated. Mehdi Mahmoodian, a political prisoner who helped Panahi write the script and shares a credit with him, sent Panahi a message, calling the award a “victory of truth over censorship” and “a ray of light from beyond the closed walls of this prison.”
“You won not just the Palme d’Or, but many of our hearts,” Mahmoodian said.
Despite the obvious risks of retaliation from the Islamic Republic regime, Panahi has affirmed that he will go back to Iran, and left France today with his return to Tehran expected on Monday. Over his long years of cinematic resistance, he has displayed awe-inspiring courage and consistency, giving constant hope to Iranians that they can overcome the draconian conditions imposed on them by the regime. He shall not cease.
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/society/141481-a-tale-of-two-films-as-irans-panahi-wins-cannes-top-award/
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Mother of Slain Iranian Protester Returns to Prison
MAY 26, 2025
The mother of a protester killed during Iran's November 2019 demonstrations returned to prison on Sunday after completing a temporary leave, her daughter said.
NahidShirpisheh, the mother of PouyaBakhtiari - who was killed during the 2019 protests - was taken back to Zanjan Prison, according to a social media post by her daughter, Mona Bakhtiari.
"My mother, NahidShirpisheh, has returned to prison again. This time, they didn’t even allow us to accompany her to Zanjan Prison," Mona wrote.
She expressed hope that authorities would consider granting her mother conditional release, citing Shirpisheh’s physical and mental health.
In November 2022, Shirpisheh was sentenced to five years in prison on charges including “assembly and collusion,” according to her family.
She was initially held at Karaj Prison before being transferred to Zanjan Prison.
Shirpisheh had previously been arrested for her civil activism and her persistent efforts seeking justice for her son.
Security forces shot and killed PouyaBakhtiari during the November 2019 protests in Mehrshahr, Karaj.
Since then, the Bakhtiari family has become prominent in advocating for justice for families of protest victims, leading to increased pressure and surveillance from authorities.
Source: iranwire.com
https://iranwire.com/en/women/141497-mother-of-slain-iranian-protester-returns-to-prison/
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URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/afghan-women-hygiene-crisis-taliban-crackdown/d/135670