By
Martina Sabra
17.02.2012
One year on from the uprisings that toppled
dictators Ben Ali and Mubarak, the revolution is still going on for many women
activists in Egypt and Tunisia. Martina Sabra's essay takes a look at how
strong their socio-political influence really is
One year on
from the outbreak of revolution and the world of Arab politics is still very
much a man's world. One need look no further than the make-up of the new
Tunisian government or the recently elected Egyptian parliament, to find
confirmation of this.
Only two
per cent of Egypt's politicians are female, and that despite the fact that
Egypt was an early signatory to the CEDAW anti-discrimination convention back
in 1981, and the country's undertaking to increase the proportion of women in
its national political bodies as one of its Millennium Development Goals.
Given all
this, one might be forgiven for overlooking the fact that it was a woman who
played the central role in initiating the Egyptian revolution. It was the young
female blogger, Asma Mahfouz, whose appeal, via Facebook in early 2011, for
people to turn the police holiday on 25 January into a day of protest, got the
ball rolling.
A
history of women's protest
Fighting
despotism and oppression: Arab women not only took to the streets during the
uprisings, they were also active in the media and in the organization of
protests
Arab women
have not been slow to take to the streets in recent history, particularly when
the national interest has been at stake. In Tunisia in the 1940s, women's
organizations demonstrated against French colonial power. And in Egypt, as
early as 1923, Hoda Shaarawi demonstratively discarded her veil in public in
Cairo in a gesture inspired as much by her patriotic objections to British
occupation as by a desire for female emancipation.
From an
Arab perspective, therefore, there was nothing new or particularly surprising
in the public participation of women in last year's riots. The strong degree of
involvement of Arab girls and women via the Internet is also fairly easily
explained. With the social spheres available to men and women strongly dictated
by societal values, "decent" girls are expected to spend their free
time at home with the family.
Twitter,
social networks and blogging give them the means to overcome such limitations
and the chance to communicate with the outside world. It is an opportunity that
is being eagerly seized upon by ever more educated young women throughout the
Arab world. So, although this may be new, it is not really a surprise.
Activists
against the dictatorship
What did
come as a surprise, however, was the very visible commitment and efficiency
with which the large number of women involved set about organizing the uprising
– no mere matter of Facebooking and Twittering, it demonstrated a willingness
and determination to get out on the streets and physically go from door to door
drumming up support. In Cairo and in Tunis, women took to the streets, their
handbags clamped under their arms, shouting slogans against the government. And
they went on doing so until the message got across and people left their homes
to join them.
Women were
not just there in the background helping with the logistics, they were right up
at the sharp end – marching, cheering and firing up the crowds. Among their
number were performance artists who organized "happenings", and
musicians such as Nawel Ben Kraiem or Emel Mathlouthi from Tunisia, who gave
public performances of songs that would become anthems of the revolution.
It was also
striking to see how unselfconscious and respectful the men and women of the
revolution were to one another. From Cairo's Tahrir Square to the Kasbah in
Tunis, the inhibitions and prohibitions of Arab culture were reduced to
irrelevancies as men and women worked together, painting banners and tending to
the injured.
Not
ashamed to stand up and be counted
Not afraid
to speak out as loudly as they can: many women demonstrated on Tahrir Square in
2011
Another
surprising aspect was the tenacity with which the women, individually and
collectively, defended themselves against the sexual violence that was
perpetrated against them. In Tunisia and Egypt, the "security forces"
resorted to humiliation tactics, grabbing protesting women between their legs
or by their breasts in order to force them to turn back.
In Egypt,
arrested demonstrators were also made to endure so-called "virginity
tests" – forced gynaecological examinations, some of which were performed
in the presence of groups of police officers – an experience that left victims
feeling violated.
Many of the
victims were too ashamed and afraid of the reactions of their own families to
try to do anything about the situation. One of them did dare, however. In
December 2011, 25-year-old Samira Ibrahim took her case to court and won. It
was a victory that would put paid to the practice of virginity tests, and a
result that opened the floodgates. Thousands of women took to the streets to
protest against the military: "Enough, the women of Egypt are the red
line!" they chanted.
This new
self-confidence of young Arab women is an indication of the kind of profound
social changes that are taking place in the MENA countries. It is a change that
is most evident in the field of education. Even if the Arab world is still
trailing behind the rest of the world, and half the women in countries such as
Morocco and Egypt are still unable to read or write, the number of educated
Arab women has, nevertheless, multiplied within two generations.
At no time
in the past have so many girls and women in the MENA countries had access to
formal education, and never have there been so many female academics as there
are right now. It is a change that has been particularly strongly reflected in
the media. Women such as Al Jazeera anchorwoman Khadija Benganna, or the
Palestine reporter Shireen Abu Aqleh, have become the new role models for young
Arab women.
Profound
change
Not spared
the brutal crackdown: human rights organizations and politicians condemn what
they consider to be the recent alarming wave of violence against women in Egypt
The change
is also affecting family structures. In the Maghreb countries, the number of
children born per woman has halved in two decades. In the Middle East, the
decline is a little slower, but there too, birth rates are falling. The nuclear
family with two children has become the norm in many Arab cities.
This shift
in behaviour is also having an effect on traditional Arab-Islamic social
structures. The traditional correlations between "female/private" and
"male/public" no longer go unquestioned. Women are now demanding
their share of the public sphere.
Nevertheless,
there are numerous obstacles to overcome. Patriarchal, misogynistic attitudes
persist within Arab societies; indeed such tendencies have been strengthened by
the rise of political Islam and by the advent of conservative Islamic
missionary movements financed by the Gulf states.
Proponents
of such ideologies preach the moral superiority of Islam, while at the same
time insisting upon absolute obedience as a woman's duty or on the one-sided
right of the men to cast out their wives – or indeed to have four of them at
the same time. They are also the people who insist upon the exclusion of the
"overly emotional" female sex from many public offices.
Need for
law reform
The
misogynistic laws in force in almost all Arab countries are also problematic,
especially those related to civil status, regulating such fundamentally
important matters as marriage, divorce and inheritance. In the majority of Arab
countries, such civil status matters tend to be regulated by the extremely
conservative interpretations of Islamic law, which are often severely
disadvantageous to women.
But
criminal law is also in great need of reform in most Arab countries. Abortion,
for example, is strictly forbidden across most of the Arab world, with Tunisia
a notable exception, and, as a consequence, year after year, countless numbers
of Arab women suffer injury or even death during illegal abortions.
The
examples of Tunisia and Morocco have shown that major reforms that benefit
women are possible within the framework of Islamic law, yet many women continue
to suffer serious problems. Conservative judges, for instance, will often
refuse to apply the law. And for many women, legal action is an option that
simply remains beyond any possibility of realization, either because they lack
the necessary understanding of the law, because they do not have the money or
because they are not in possession of the necessary papers. In Cairo alone,
there are hundreds of thousands of women who have neither a birth certificate
nor, consequently, an identity card.
"Arab
women are more self-confident and stronger than many in Europe give them credit
for. They have a variety of political goals and ideologies: some want a secular
state, others a society based on religion. But there is one thing that they all
have in common: a desire for a properly functioning state based on the rule of
law, free of corruption and chaos," writes Martina Sabra
The
revolution has only just begun
The
Egyptian regime and the new men in the Egyptian parliament celebrated the first
anniversary of the revolution with much pomp and ceremony. But the real
revolution has only just begun, and the face of this revolution is female. In
Egypt and Tunisia, women are still taking to the streets, demonstrating for the
rule of law and democracy.
Arab women
are more self-confident and stronger than many in Europe give them credit for.
They have a variety of political goals and ideologies: some want a secular
state, others a society based on religion. But there is one thing they all have
in common: a desire for a properly functioning state based on the rule of law,
free of corruption and chaos.
When it
comes to development cooperation with the new partners in the MENA countries,
the combination of gender politics and the rule of law are certain to be of
crucial importance.
Translated from the German by Ron Walker
Source: Qantara.de
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-women-feminism/women-rights-arab-spring-female/d/6669