By Linda Greenhouse
Jan. 28,
2021
One of
President Biden’s first acts, the repeal of the Trump administration’s ban on
entry into the United States by citizens of five predominantly Muslim
countries, was a cause for relief, even celebration. But no one who cheers the
end of the ban should forget the Supreme Court’s role in keeping it alive for
so long.
With the
stroke of a pen, Mr. Biden ended his predecessor’s Proclamation No. 9645,
titled “Enhancing Vetting Capabilities and Processes for Detecting Attempted
Entry Into the United States by Terrorists or Other Public-Safety Threats.” For
its part, the Supreme Court acted by means of a decision, in Trump v. Hawaii,
issued on June 26, 2018, to uphold it. By a vote of 5 to 4, the court ruled
that the president was within his lawful authority in issuing what the justices
in the majority euphemistically termed “entry restrictions,” discarding as
irrelevant the abundant evidence that he was driven by religious prejudice.
Why revisit
that Supreme Court decision now, when the sorry episode that prompted it is
over? The reason is that while the Muslim ban is gone, Trump v. Hawaii isn’t.
The
decision resides permanently in United States Reports, the official compilation
of Supreme Court rulings. It is available to be dredged up by some future court
and cited as precedent to shield from searching scrutiny some future president
who invokes national security as a pretext for a policy that stereotypes entire
categories of people and shames the country.
It is worth
revisiting, in other words, not as a window on the past, but as a warning about
the future.
Trump v.
Hawaii’s lengthy 87 pages include a majority opinion by Chief Justice John
Roberts, concurring opinions by Justices Anthony Kennedy and Clarence Thomas,
and dissenting opinions by Justices Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor. I
hadn’t picked it up since first reading it on that frantic June day when the
2017-18 term ended and Justice Kennedy announced his retirement. I went back to
it the other day, curious to see how reading it would feel in light of all the
additional data points we have accumulated about the Trump presidency.
I knew I
was in for a disheartening experience. It was worse than I feared.
What I
hadn’t factored in was that not only do we know more about the Trump
administration; we know more about the Roberts court. Two full terms and four
months of another have gone by since then. We know, for example, that the court
is exquisitely attentive to the slightest hint of discrimination against
religion, religious people and religious institutions.
Last
summer, for example, in the Espinoza case, the court ruled that the state of
Montana violated the First Amendment’s Free Exercise Clause by failing to
provide a tax break for religious-school tuition. Writing for a 5-to-4
majority, Chief Justice Roberts said this failure amounted to discrimination
against religion, even though the state was no longer providing a tax break for
secular private-school tuition. In other words, parents of religious-school
students ended up with a privilege that no other parents in the state enjoyed,
all in the name of preventing discrimination against religion.
In another
decision last summer, the court ruled that two teachers at Catholic elementary
schools, women who had no special religious training and who taught an ordinary
elementary school curriculum, could not take their claims of age discrimination
and disability discrimination to court. The teachers’ role in fostering the
schools’ religious mission, the court held, entitled the schools to the benefit
of a “ministerial exception” from the arsenal of federal statutes that protect employees
from discrimination. The case is likely to apply to thousands of other teachers
in similar positions.
In contrast
to these recent decisions, it was startling to see how completely dismissive
the Trump v. Hawaii majority opinion was of the argument that the Muslim ban
amounted to unconstitutional discrimination on the basis of religion. “The text
says nothing about religion,” Chief Justice Roberts observed. “The proclamation
is expressly premised on legitimate purposes: preventing entry of nationals who
cannot be adequately vetted and inducing other nations to improve their
practices.”
When I pick
up a Supreme Court decision for the first time, I usually start by reading the
dissenting opinions, often a reliable guide to the paths not taken by the majority
and the arguments that the majority discarded along the way. In Trump v.
Hawaii, Justice Sotomayor’s dissent, which Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg joined,
is a Times Square-size billboard of what was missing in the majority opinion.
The
majority’s “highly abridged account does not tell even half of the story,”
Justice Sotomayor began. What was left out was an inventory, which she
provided, of oral and written statements by Donald Trump, as both candidate and
president, attesting to his desire to keep Muslims out of the country —
directly if possible, or by “politically correct” means if required by the
courts.
“The full
record paints a far more harrowing picture,” Justice Sotomayor went on, “from
which a reasonable observer would readily conclude that the proclamation was
motivated by hostility and animus toward the Muslim faith.” She added, “Given
the overwhelming record evidence of anti-Muslim animus, it simply cannot be
said that the proclamation has a legitimate basis.” To the contrary, she
concluded, “It runs afoul of the Establishment Clause’s guarantee of religious
neutrality.”
I wonder
what the justices who joined the majority in Trump v. Hawaii would think of it
if they reread the opinion today. I also wonder what Brett Kavanaugh and Amy
Coney Barrett, not yet on the court when the case was decided, think of it, if
they have had occasion to read it.
Justice
Kennedy’s very short concurring opinion is one of the saddest judicial opinions
I have ever read. It was his final published opinion as a member of the Supreme
Court. On initial reading, I wasn’t sure what he was saying. I dismissed it as
the work of a weary man who no longer had the energy to think the problem
through, who took a path of least resistance but nevertheless understood that
he was ending his career on the wrong side of history. I took this passage,
which he labelled “this further observation,” as an apology for voting with the
majority:
There are
numerous instances in which the statement and actions of government officials
are not subject to judicial scrutiny or intervention. That does not mean those
officials are free to disregard the Constitution and the rights it proclaims
and protects. The oath that all officials take to adhere to the Constitution is
not confined to those spheres in which the judiciary can correct or even
comment upon what those officials say or do. Indeed, the very fact that an
official may have broad discretion, discretion free from judicial scrutiny,
makes it all the more imperative for him or her to adhere to the Constitution
and to its meaning and its promise.
Rereading
his opinion this week, I’m inclined to a more generous — or, in the spirit of
the moment, a more empathetic — view. Justice Kennedy, appointed to the court
by President Ronald Reagan, was departing after 31 years, during the term of a
president of the same party as the one who had brought him to the court — as
justices often do when they depart. But he was also leaving a cautionary word
to the justice who would succeed him and to justices after that.
“An anxious
world must know,” he wrote in conclusion, “that our government remains
committed always to the liberties the Constitution seeks to preserve and
protect, so that freedom extends outward, and lasts.”
Words of
warning, certainly. A note of desperate hope? Perhaps.
Original Headline: The Supreme Court Upheld
Trump’s Muslim Ban. Let’s Not Forget That.
Source: The New York Times
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-west/no-one-cheers-end-muslim/d/124171
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