The Quest for Social Justice: Aligarh Muslim University as a Minority Institution

By  Abdullah Mansoor, New Age Islam

26 November 2024

 

The Supreme Court's verdict on November 8, 2024, granting Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) minority status, marked a pivotal moment in the institution's history. The seven-judge bench, in a 4:3 majority decision, overturned the 1967 judgment in S. Azeez Basha v. Union of India, which had ruled that AMU could not be classified as a minority institution. The new judgment clarified that an institution's minority status depends on its foundation—if it is established by a minority community, it can claim rights under Article 30 of the Constitution. This decision paves the way for AMU's recognition as a minority institution, though the matter has now been referred to a three-judge regular bench for further adjudication based on these principles. However, critics, including those from the Pasmanda movement, allege that minority institutions like AMU primarily serve the interests of the Ashraf class and fail to represent the Pasmanda community. This article explores this contention, examining how AMU's history has often stood against the principles of social justice within the Muslim community.

AMU was established by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan to serve as a centre for modern education. From its inception, however, the institution primarily catered to elite Muslims. In Sir Syed’s vision, the concept of Qaum (community) did not include Pasmanda Muslims. His priorities were centred around the Ashraf class, which he aimed to position in high-ranking government roles. Pakistani historian Mubarak Ali observes that Sir Syed's educational agenda was heavily class-driven. He advocated for Western-style education exclusively for Ashraf boys, while relegating Pasmanda Muslims to religious instruction. Sir Syed's bias was evident on numerous occasions. For instance, when invited to lay the foundation of the Madrasa Anjuman-e-Islamia in Bareilly, which catered to children from so-called “lower” Muslim castes, he famously remarked that introducing English education in such schools was a significant mistake.

In its early years, the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (the precursor to AMU) segregated hostels into three categories for students from upper, middle, and lower classes, highlighting entrenched social inequities. These divisions not only reflected casteist practices but also economic hierarchies. Professor Masood Alam Falahi, author of Hindustan Mein Zaat-Paat Aur Musalman (Casteism Among Muslims in India), recounts his experiences as a student at AMU between 1999 and 2003. He observed that caste-based discrimination ran deep within the university's fabric. Clerical and service-oriented professions (e.g., cooks, gardeners, waiters) were stigmatized and derogatorily referred to as razil (lowly). Even today, being associated with such professions is considered an insult, and many workers hesitate to openly discuss their roles.

AMU does not offer reservations for students from backward castes in crucial professional courses such as medicine or engineering. Although there is no reservation for SC/ST and OBC students, athletes and children of university staff enjoy affirmative provisions. Despite this, application forms still collect caste details from students. In 2018, I filed an RTI to examine social justice at AMU, and the data revealed stark inequities.

India's reservation policy divides opportunities into four primary categories: Other Backward Classes (OBC), Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Economically Weaker Sections (EWS). Additionally, minority institutions like AMU have provisions for minorities. Most members of the Pasmanda community—constituting 85% of Indian Muslims—fall under the OBC or ST categories. Just as people from OBC, SC, and ST categories can apply in the general category, but a person from the general category cannot apply in the SC, ST, or OBC categories, similarly, a Muslim OBC or ST student can apply under the minority quota without disclosing their caste. However, it is generally observed that students tend to apply within their own caste. Even when students disclose their caste, they will still be counted as minorities. This is because there is no provision for reservation for OBC, SC, and ST in Aligarh; they are only asked about their castes. Data obtained via RTI showed that AMU's "minority" category effectively serves as a proxy for the general category.

Between 2001–2002 and 2017–2018, a total of 501,507 students were admitted to AMU. Of these, 457,918 (91.31%) belonged to the general category, 39,054 (7.79%) were OBC, 4,273 (0.85%) were SC, and only 262 (0.05%) were ST. Over 17 years, the representation of SC/ST students showed minimal improvement. For instance, in 2001–2002, only 70 SC/ST students (0.29%) were admitted out of 24,301. By 2017–2018, this number had risen marginally to 448 SC/ST students (1.32%) out of 33,879 admissions. This data underscores the systemic underrepresentation of marginalized communities and the dominance of the general category in AMU's admissions.

 

 

The disparity is equally stark among AMU's academic staff. Of the 1,222 teaching positions, 1,152 (94.27%) are occupied by individuals from the Ashraf class. Only 67 (5.48%) are OBCs, while SC and ST faculty members are nearly absent, with just two (0.16%) SCs and one (0.08%) ST. Among professors, 446 out of 463 positions are held by Ashraf individuals, with just one SC and 16 OBCs. Associate and assistant professor roles show similar trends, reflecting the Ashraf class's dominance in academic employment.

 

 

The situation is slightly more diverse among non-teaching staff. Of the 5,844 employees, 3,910 (66.91%) belong to the general category, 1,470 (25.15%) are OBCs, and 450 (7.70%) are SCs, while STs constitute a negligible 14 (0.24%). These figures indicate that while OBC representation is relatively better in non-teaching roles (especially in Group C positions, considered less prestigious by the Ashraf class), SC/ST representation remains low across all categories, particularly in higher-ranking Group A and B roles.

The following conclusions can be drawn from the RTI data:

Over 17 years, SC/ST and OBC representation among students has remained dismally low, with minimal improvements. This suggests limited access to higher education for these groups.

Ashraf dominance is overwhelming among academic staff, with over 94% representation. Meanwhile, SC/ST representation is nearly non-existent, highlighting a lack of diversity.

While OBC representation among non-teaching staff is better, SC/ST representation remains inadequate, particularly in higher-ranking positions.

High-ranking roles (Groups A and B) exhibit negligible SC/ST representation, perpetuating hierarchical inequalities within the institution.

These findings underscore AMU's failure to provide equitable opportunities across different social groups. Addressing these disparities requires policy reforms and inclusive measures. While the recent Supreme Court verdict offers a chance for progress, its implementation must ensure that marginalized Pasmanda communities gain fair representation. This will necessitate efforts not only at the institutional level but also within broader social structures to transform AMU into a truly inclusive educational space.

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Abdullah Mansoor runs the YouTube channel "Pasmanda Democracy."

 

URL:    https://www.newageislam.com/islam-politics/quest-social-justice-amu-minority/d/133819

 

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