By Talal Al-Torifi
July 23,
2020
The Ottoman
Turks committed the most severe crimes against Arab Muslims and enjoyed
oppressing and killing them. The Turks, in general, are now adopting a
deceptive policy, which is that they cry over Islam and the sultanate, but they
are in fact crying for their pride and power and presenting it in the name and
protection of Islam for propaganda purposes. They aim to gain the support of
Muslims of different nationalities, while, on the other hand, seeking to restore
this power and authority through deceptive propaganda.
Construction work on the Hijaz railway, part of the Ottoman network that ran from Damascus to Medina, in 1906. (Library of Congress)
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Turkish
historian Zakaria Qurshon, in a series of recent articles, talked about the
establishment of the nation state as a magical method for researching history,
and he argued that it was an inevitable matter. And when he wanted to
criticize, he said that Saudi Arabia went completely against this trend. That, instead
of seeking to reveal history, it focused on denying it, justifying this with
the rejection of the Bedouin culture of civil history and the consignment of
Wahhabism — as he said — to history.
If we
assume that Qurshon discussed the creation of nation states and a keenness to
use national history reasonably, as he claims, we find that Saudi Arabia has a
holistic and deeper view of this proposition. History in Saudi Arabia is
discussed and presented based on the general framework of the history of Islam
since the beginning of the Prophet’s mission in Makkah and its extension beyond
that to the Arabian Peninsula.
However,
such a matter is difficult for Qurshon to absorb. Present-day Turkey seeks to
synthetically formulate a history of its own that represents its nationality,
as Qurshon and his supporters understand. But the history in Saudi Arabia
represents the pure source of the original culture from which the Turkish
culture branched off. This matter is difficult to understand for those who are
not aware that the sources have a different stereotype to the branches.
As for
accusing the Wahhabi concept, as Qurshon does, of being based on insulting the
era before Sheikh Mohammed ibn Abd Al-Wahhab and renouncing everything before
the 18th century to establish a new era that does not recognize the past or
history, this confirms the failure of the general perception of Qurshon
regarding the Saudi view of history, as none of our Saudi sources have
completely rejected history.
We can
mention here what the Algerian scholar Mohammed Al-Hajwi said about the Ottoman
promotion of the term Wahhabism and how it was unfairly attacked. Al-Hajwi
talks about the teachings of Ibn Abd Al-Wahhab and the lies the Ottomans spread
about them. He said: “The issue is political, not religious, and the people of
religion are, in fact, in agreement and the Ottoman Turks raised this evil and
spread this false propaganda against Abdullah bin Saud and kicked them (the
Saudis) out of the Two Holy Mosques. They (the Ottoman Turks) were the ones who
sought the help of the governor of Egypt, Mohammed Ali Pasha, and this helped
them to expel the Wahhabis from the Two Holy Mosques and capture Abdullah bin
Saud.
“It is true
that the Turks are the ones who gave the Hanbalis of Najd the name of Wahhabis
and they were the ones who spread the accusations and lies in the Islamic world
about them and hired Muslim scholars in all countries to compose, write and lie
about the Hanbalis of Najd. And they were the ones who wrote a book against
Wahhabism and attributed it to Sheikh Suleiman ibn Abd Al-Wahhab, the brother
of Imam Sheikh Mohammad ibn Abd Al-Wahhab, and they are the ones who took
Abdullah bin Saud as a prisoner to Istanbul, but they breached the covenant
they made with him and murdered him brutally. I believe that foreigners played
a part in this war that the Ottoman Turks started on Abdullah bin Saud because
they were upset that he had seized the Hijaz and spread security, justice, and
mercy in the area.”
The Sufi
concept dominated Qurshon’s arguments as he looked into Saudi history. He was
not aware of the issue of differentiating between historical and doctrinal
matters. The Saudi history books discuss history with everything in it and
doctrinal books criticized the mystical Sufi manifestations, in which the
Ottomans participated both directly and indirectly. The ideological proposition
in Saudi Arabia does not recognize the name Wahhabism, which Qurshon uses and
which represents an obsession in Ottoman and Turkish Sufi history. They are
either confused between history and belief or they may understand the
ideological proposition in the context of history defending their Sufi beliefs.
Qurshon
himself previously wrote in one of his books about the teachings of Sheikh
Mohammed ibn Abd Al-Wahhab in a way that expressly contradicted what he
presented in his article. The difference between the two views is that the book
was written at a stage when the Turks were not hostile to Saudi Arabia, while
the article was written with a purely political goal that has nothing to do
with scientific logic.
In his
book, Qurshon wrote: “There is a great agreement between the ideas of Mohammed
ibn Abd Al-Wahhab that aims to take the religion back to its original form and
between the ideas of the Bedouins and their nature that accepted that.” He
added: “It is correct, then, to describe this movement, or what is called
Salafism, that it is a call to revive the origins and it is not a new doctrine
or belief.”
In his
article, however, he says that the Saudis discovered after 1960 that they could
use history and that Saudi Arabia did not witness a search for history until
the last quarter of the last century. He criticized the Najd region as
representing an unstable culture and stated that it represents an obstacle for
the Saudis.
Of course,
here he contradicts everyone, given that Saudi sources are the best witness to
the stages of writing about history and caring for it from early periods,
whether at the official level or in the jurisprudence of individuals and their
writings. Naturally, history in Saudi Arabia went through several stages of
development, just like any other history. No logical person may understand his
description of Najd as an unstable region or that it represents an obstacle for
the Saudis, except as an abuse that is not based on logic.
Qurshon
further claims that Umm Al-Qura University studies in 1980 and the Madinah
Research and Studies Center angered the Saudi authorities for discussing the
Ottoman era. This is a mere illusion that is not supported by logic. Studies
and research continue and have not been interrupted in Umm Al-Qura University,
the Madinah Research and Studies Center or any government institution,
including the King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives (Darah).
To give his
claims importance and a presence, Qurshon spoke about King Salman, describing
him as a good reader of history. In fact, Qurshon did not say anything new.
King Salman has a balanced national approach, thought and orientation, and he
is an important historical figure with his views, directions, outlook and
historical analyses.
Qurshon
wanted to suggest that King Salman discovered the possibility of using history
by drawing attention from the Hijaz toward Riyadh. This argument is nothing but
a hypothesis that he contemplates according to his own political orientations,
while the reality is completely to the contrary. It is well known that the
research centers and institutions that deal with and support history have
published much more about the Hijaz than Riyadh and Najd, but we are not in the
process of talking about differentiating between the Saudi regions because they
are one unit. Suspicious goals cannot differentiate between various parts of
the country. The national awareness of history has become a crisis for the
enemies of Saudi Arabia because they seek to deepen a non-existent concept
about dividing the country into conflicting and contradictory parts. This is
far from the Saudi reality, but the manifestations of national unity have
become troublesome for the enemies of the country.
Qurshon
himself one day aspired to Saudi patronage, but he and his ilk cannot resort to
historical extortion by manipulating phrases and exaggerating the fantasies
they see. The homeland and its history are greater and deeper than blackmail,
delusion and fraud.
Najd is a
fixation of Ottoman history. Therefore, Qurshon emphasizes the description of
the Najdi footprint, the Saudi expansion of the Two Holy Mosques, and says that
it was trying to erase the Ottoman monuments. As usual, he contradicts himself
by saying, on the one hand, that the expansions were necessary for the
provision of essential pilgrimage services. On the other, he indicates that the
expansions sought to obliterate the Ottoman monuments and we did not know how to
execute the expansions while preserving their historical monuments.
What are
the Ottoman monuments that must be preserved? And who are the Ottomans, for
whom expansion must be stopped to preserve their monuments? Are their relics
essential for serving the pilgrims? Or are they considered an essential
component of the Earth that must be preserved?
The Ottoman
Empire in Hijaz was nothing but a name and some stones, and there are many
crimes and torments that they bequeathed to history, so how can their monuments
be preserved?
If we are
going to talk about monuments, we should dig deeper and demand the return of
our antiquities that were looted from the Two Holy Mosques by the Turks and
displayed in their museums. Here lies the difference between those who seek
renaissance to serve Islam and Muslims, and those who try to defraud history
and logic by imposing what has no value. At the same time, they forget that
they stole a national right, which they must return. Therefore, the monuments
are considered a dangerous file that Turkey must handle with caution. If this
file is opened, things will turn against them and everything related to the Two
Holy Mosques and the Arabian Peninsula will be formally and publicly judged by
global public opinion.
I think
that this is only a matter of time. Otherwise, the matter is settled and
documented, and what belongs to the homeland will return to it soon with the
will of God Almighty.
Prof.
Taka Al-Torifi is a Saudi academic and media specialist.
Original
Headline: Turks defrauding history with Ottoman monuments narrative
Source: The Arab News
URL: https://newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/turks-crying-their-pride-power/d/122451
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