Liberals Among Both Hindus And Muslims Face Challenges In The Indian Society
By
New Age Islam Staff Writer
24 June
2023
Liberal Muslim
Women Have To Face Even Greater Challenges.
Main
Points:
1. Muslim girls
riding a bicycle is looked with disdain.
2. Muslim women
face challenges both within the community and outside.
3. Muslim women
cannot make their own choices.
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Muslims holding a collective prayer in homage to the Tricolour in Karur,
Tamil Nadu, on the occasion of Independence Day; a file photograph. Polarised
as Indian society has become, most ordinary Indians remain peace-loving and
patriotic. | Photo Credit: THE HINDU PHOTO ARCHIVES
------
Zakia Sonam
gives account of her own challenges and dilemma she faces in her own society.
She has been a liberal woman and an activist fighting for the rights of Muslim
women and working to promote communal harmony. But her story is also the story
of thousands of other Muslim women who want to live a life according to their
own choices and according to their own definition of freedom. She acknowledges
that the Quran gives the women the freedom and rights to education, to make
their own decisions and to explore their own capabilities and make equal
contributions to the development of the society and for the welfare of the
humanity. But the clergy has misinterpreted the Quranic verses in order to
justify their centuries old patriarchal and tribal traditions and culture.
According to them, the women or girls should not ride bicycles or motorcycles;
they cannot take part in sports or in fine arts though women during the life of
the prophet enjoyed greater freedom. They rode camels and horses; they sang on
weddings and took part in battles.
Women's
ghettoisation is the result of increasing obsession of Muslim men with the
rigid idea of the modesty of women. They gradually presented women as a
corruptive force that can take away a man's piety. This led to the belief that
even the face of women can have a corruptive influence on men and therefore,
their face also became 'Satar' ( the part of the body that must be
covered). Literally, the word ' Aurat ' means private part. Therefore, the
sexual organs of the man are called his 'aurat' which must be covered. But the
Muslim clergy declared the whole body of women as Aurat. It means the whole
body of women should be covered.
Islam is
said to be an Abrahamic religion as it has inherited almost all the religious and
ethical tenets from religions of the successors of Abraham. Judaism,
Christianity are other Abrahamic faiths. According to the Quran, Namaz, Fasting
and Zakat are common in Abrahamic faiths. Other ethical teachings like caring
the parents and taking care of the orphans have also been common teachings of Abrahamic
faiths. But we do not fd the idea of rigid purdah or veil that requires women
to fully cover their body in other Abrahamic faiths. Modesty and properly
covering the body has been preached in all faiths, even in Hinduism but the
concept of covering the women's face does not find place in any religion in Islam.
Therefore, the Quran does not enjoin women to cover their faces in clear terms.
If the Quran meant women to cover their faces irrespective of situations,
profession and age, it would have summarily said that all women should cover
their face. Instead it has verses that mean that women should draw their shawl
over their bosom or draw their shawl over their heads when they fear harassment
by anti-social elements. That is, purdah is conditional, not mandatory. Today
Hindu women also cover their faces with scarf to avoid harassment in public
places though their religion does not impose purdah on them. The Quran does not
clearly mandate covering women's face because covering of women's face was not
even imagined in the pre-Islam Arab era. The face is the identity of the human
beings and so covering it is out of the question. Therefore, the Abrahamic
faiths do not have the idea of veil of the face. The conservative exegetes of
the Quran created the idea of face veil and they distorted the meaning of some
verses of the Quran to mean that it mandates face veil for women.
Another
issue that was the creation of the Muslim clergy was the idea of triple Talaq.
The Quran outlines the process of Talaq in detail and does nowhere prescribes
instant triple Talaq but the clergy insist that the Quran and Hadith approve of
it. The tripe Talaq became a tool of persecution and harassment of women at the
hands of men. The clergy admitted that the instant Talaq was indeed misused by
men. Still they supported it on the basis that once pronounced, it came into
effect. Such illogical and irrational approach of the Muslim clergy was the
cause of ruin of the Muslim family system. Finally, the Supreme Court
invalidated the practice of Triple Talaq and the practice of Instant Talaq came
to an end instantly. But the clergy have not accepted defeat. They have been
trying to convince the courts to bring back Instant Talaq.
Though the
spread of education among Muslim women have made them aware of their rights in
the Muslim society, they still face discrimination in the society. Liberal
women are often labelled as corrupt or even Kafir as Zakia Soman has
experienced. Fatwas that Muslim girls should not ride bicycles are issues even
in this 21st century. Objections are raised on their dress. In many Muslim
majority counties, they are not allowed to go outside without their male
relatives.
The rise of
Hindutva in India has created some other problems for liberal Muslim women.
Now, they face a double task. They have to fight conservatism both inside the
community and outside it. In short, despite the advance of knowledge and
civilisation, women still are fighting for their rights as independent human
beings.
----
Rise
Of Hindutva Politics And The Progressive Muslim
By Zakia
Soman
Feb 23,
2023
What does
it mean to be a progressive Muslim in present times? This question has acquired
significance for many Indians. For me, this question arose in 2002, at the time
of communal violence in Gujarat. I was born in a Muslim family and lived in
Ahmedabad for most of my life. My family directly bore the brunt of communal
riots with my grandmother’s home getting vandalised and burnt down repeatedly
during my childhood. And yet, my parents chose to leave the confines of the
Muslim ghetto and moved to cosmopolitan western Ahmedabad in 1980. After 2002,
it is hard to imagine a Muslim family moving out of the ghettoes.
It is never
easy in our highly religious society for anyone to swim against the community
tide and live on their own terms. Over the decades since 1947, many followers
of Hinduism have successfully challenged and rejected conservatism,
superstition and narrow-minded thinking. It is particularly difficult for those
from minority faith backgrounds to do this. It was always difficult for a
liberal Muslim to be accepted within the community. The rise of Hindutva
politics has further restricted the space for articulation of progressive
views. A liberal Muslim must guard not just her personal freedoms but also
actively resist the communal onslaught through democratic means. She must
condemn every action of Muslim fanatics and Hindutva loonies. She must
consistently demand accountability from institutions of the state. And while
doing all of this, she must be prepared to be labelled fitna or even kafir for
the personal choices she made in her own life! This is too much to ask from an
ordinary citizen.
Irresolvable
Dilemmas
India today
is a deeply polarised society. There is division and mistrust between
communities. Hatemongering against Muslims and Christians has become
commonplace. Genocide calls are issued from public platforms in broad daylight.
It is a particularly tough time for all liberals; it is tougher for a liberal
Muslim. As a woman and as an activist invested in a just and peaceful society,
I live with irresolvable dilemmas.
My sisters
and I grew up in an atmosphere of freedom wherever we happened to reside, be it
in a Muslim Mohalla or a cosmopolitan neighbourhood. We enjoyed liberties such
as in dresses and hairstyles of our choice as we moved freely on our bicycles
and two-wheelers meeting friends across the city. These privileges were not
available to other girls in the neighbourhood. My parents would not brook any
interference in their lives from any quarter. I did not get personally impeded
by orthodoxy and patriarchy in my childhood and youth. However, I came face to
face with institutionalised orthodoxy and misogyny as I began working with the
women survivors of the Gujarat riots. As I began activism for Muslim women’s
rights, I realised that this collision would last all my life.
Being a woman and Muslim is not easy, especially if one makes liberal
choices in one’s personal life. Here, a file photograph of a young Muslim woman
riding a two-wheeler in the old city of Hyderabad.
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The
organisation Aman Samudaya was engaged in relief, rehabilitation and communal
harmony for the riot survivors. The victims were dependent on voluntary and
religious groups for help in the face of state apathy. While allocating houses,
we prepared a list of women-headed households that should be given priority.
Resources were scarce, and we were partnering with a prominent religious
organisation. To my horror, its representatives refused to allocate homes in
women’s names. They insisted that allocation could happen only in the name of a
male relative. They insisted that Islam required widows to be remarried, and
the question of allotting homes to them did not therefore arise. They were also
unhappy with the bicycles we had distributed to girls in the rehab colony. They
alleged that I was responsible for distracting them from the righteous path.
Even as we were struggling with the aftermath of the communal violence, the
refusal of religious leaders to recognise us as equal merely because we were
women was shocking. The gruesome killings of innocent Muslim women, men and
children had suddenly made me conscious of my Muslim identity. These encounters
with misogynist men of religion belonging to one of the most prominent
religious organisations in the subcontinent made me conscious of my identity as
a Muslim woman. Either way, I was second class.
The
confrontation with orthodox clergy came to a head in the women-led movement
against triple Talaq. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) argued
in court against the petitions filed by Shayara Bano and some other women. The
AIMPLB argued in the Supreme Court that courts could not intervene in the
Shariat, which was divine. The women petitioners successfully proved that there
is no Quranic sanction for instant oral talaq. The court ruled in their favour,
declaring triple talaq as void.
But the
hypocrisy and double standards of sections of the clergy and some prominent
Muslims were shocking. They were blind to triple Talaq being unjust and unfair
to women. Some people in the academia and the legal fraternity dismissed the
issue of triple Talaq as a conspiracy by the Modi government against Muslims.
Yet, Muslim women were speaking out against triple Talaq, polygamy, Nikah
Halala and calling for reform in Muslim personal law much before Narendra
Modi became Prime Minister in 2014. But they noticed it only when the Modi
government came out in support of abolition of triple Talaq. Until then they
had not bothered to address the systematic violation of Muslim women’s rights
in marriage and family. Women speaking out against triple talaq were vilified
and threatened. I was accused of being an RSS stooge.
Muslim Women
And CAA
The
movement against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) and the National
Register of Citizens (NRC) was led by Muslim women. This movement received
support from all including conservative clergy, and rightly so. A
discriminatory law must be opposed. But it must be mentioned that the clergy
found it easy to support this campaign as its leadership was not being challenged
here. The women fighting the CAA and the NRC were not seeking any fundamental
changes in the unequal gender relations within family and community, unlike in
the campaign against triple talaq. The clergy did not feel threatened by women
agitating against the CAA, and therefore it was safe to support their demands.
In this agitation constitutional values of justice, equality, democracy and non-discrimination
were invoked. But when Muslim women demand justice within the family, the
Shariat takes precedence and constitutional values are conveniently forgotten.
These double standards result in further alienating ordinary Indians, some of
whom turn into Hindutva supporters.
We must
recognise that our demand for justice and equality would be feeble without genuine
belief and adherence to these principles in our own lives. Any fight for
justice cannot be fought in convenient compartments. The violation of women’s
rights in the name of the Shariat has been an evil that has been overlooked not
just by the clergy but by the whole community. Even educated and well-placed
Muslims have hesitated to speak out against it. The right to religious freedom
granted by the Constitution is a cherished right which cannot be trivialised
and used to justify patriarchal practices such as triple talaq, polygamy and
child marriages under the guise of upholding the Shariat. The usual response of
“Islam gave rights to women 1,400 years ago” is not sufficient until these
rights get translated into reality.
Similarly,
the standard response of “there is no caste in Islam” serves no purpose when
casteism, even untouchability, is practised amongst Muslims. Referring to
fellow Indians as “Kafir” is not going to help overcome the communal divide
either. We must unequivocally recognise the equal rights of all in a
multi-faith society. We must respect the gods and goddesses of those belonging
to other religions.
Direct Onslaught
Poverty and
marginalisation of Muslims predates the Modi government. The secular state has
failed to deliver on the Constitutional promise of social justice. Since 2014,
there has been a direct onslaught on Muslims. Hindutva followers hold ordinary
Muslims responsible for historic or imaginary wrongs committed by the Mughals
and the Sultans. The BJP openly pursues exclusionary and divisive politics.
Most other political parties, except perhaps in the southern States, are
keeping a safe distance from Muslims. Hindutva ideology is translating into
state policy, as seen in the CAA and so-called love jehad laws. There is ostracisation
and systematic exclusion, leading to potential disenfranchisement of the
largest minority. What can Muslims do to address this situation?
Majoritarianism and hate must be fought politically and legally. Initiatives in
collaboration with the entire civil society can help.
The Need
To Make Amends
As a first
step, there has to be an unequivocal recognition of where the community has
consistently failed and of the need to make amends. In this essay I focus more
on this dimension as generally nobody wants to talk about this.
The
community lacks progressive social leadership and democratisation within. We
have been led by orthodox clergymen for the longest time, apart from
opportunistic politicians. Unlike in the case of Dalits, there has not been any
tradition of building critical consciousness within the community. The
so-called leaders have remained obsessed with religious identity issues. The
leaders kept demanding special privileges in the name of secularism but never
paid attention to building a peaceful society through mutual dialogue in a
multi-faith secular democracy.
“For those
of us who think we are liberal and progressive, mutual understanding can be the
only way forward.”
I make a
distinction between the masses and the so-called leaders. Ordinary Muslims are
hardworking and law-abiding. They are patriotic, like all other Indians. There
are no progressive voices to hand-hold or guide the community. The clergy are
obsessed with the afterlife and lack competence to deal with issues of common interest
such as education, jobs, housing or democratic participation. In the absence of
any alternative progressive leadership ordinary persons do not get the
opportunity to equip themselves to think independently. Most are perpetually in
a state of dilemma, owing to the way religion is (mis)understood and practised
in the subcontinent. How much importance should be given to Islam vis-à-vis
temporal matters? The conservative men of religion propound that a Muslim’s
time and energies should be devoted to religion alone and nothing else should
matter.
Mirror Images
I have
faced the horrors of political religions, both Hindutva and the Islamist
variety. I can’t help but notice the similarities between the two. They are
both inhuman, illiberal, orthodox and misogynist. They vehemently guard their
domination and power over the community and do not hesitate to use violence.
They do the greatest damage to our plural fabric by pitting us against each
other in the name of religion. They force us into constructing rigid identities
as Hindus and Muslims. They do not allow us to live peacefully with our
multiple identities as humans. I can’t talk about one without considering the
other. Hinduism is open, tolerant and eclectic, but Hindutva seeks to forcibly
homogenise people. Justice, kindness, compassion, wisdom are the normative
values of the Quran, but Islamists don’t practise these.
Liberals
are wondering how to fight the menace of political religions. Travelling across
the country, I meet many young Muslim women and men in the course of my
activism. They all agree on the need to build greater understanding and bridges
across communities. These activists are seeking positive change through
dialogue between people of diverse faiths. Some young Muslims on social media
are angry and unforgiving. Javed Akhtar suggested that the 20-year-old boy
behind the Sulli Deals app be forgiven with a stern warning. Lot of Muslims
pounced upon him in disapproval. This does not help as it only leads to further
polarisation. How can liberals behave like rightists? Those behind Bulli Bai
and Sulli Deals have no stakes in the future of plural India. Besides, violence
is their preferred approach. For those of us who think we are liberal and
progressive, mutual understanding can be the only way forward. An eye for an
eye would leave all of us blind and bruised.
Sometimes,
waging battles on multiple fronts, I get dejected and depressed. But I see hope
in ordinary Indians who are religious themselves and yet do not hate those
belonging to other faiths. Hindutva may have scored electorally in our
first-past-the-post system, but 60 per cent of Indians still do not vote for
divisive ideologies. They are the silent majority who give me hope.
The Crux
Liberal
Muslims, especially Muslim women, are forced to fight on two fronts: against
the forces of Muslim-hating Hindutva and against the regressive orthodoxies in
their own community.
Political
religions such as Hindutva and political Islam are mirror images of each other
in their regressive values and their willingness to use violence to
dominatetheir communities.
The way
forward is through dialogue and critical interrogation of the social practices
that pulls the community backwards.
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Zakia Soman, activist and columnist, is
co-founder of the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan and the founder of Centre for
Peace Studies. She is on the India Core Committee of the South Asian Alliance
for Poverty Eradication and has authored two books.
Source:
Rise
Of Hindutva Politics And The Progressive Muslim
URL: https://newageislam.com/interfaith-dialogue/liberals-hindus-muslims-indian-society/d/130066
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