By
Ramzy Baroud
26 March, 2015
Imagine if an American presidential candidate made a
plea to his supporters on Election Day with the following statement: “The
Republican administration is in danger. Black voters are going en masse to the
polls. Liberal NGOs are bringing them on buses.”
Even in a country where Chris Matthews is a media
celebrity and Pamela Geller is an intellectual, the statement would be
scandalous, a political death wish even. In Israel, however, the opposite is
true.
In a message delivered in a video on Facebook,
incumbent Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made a sinister call
appealing to ingrained racism in Israeli society:
“The right-wing government is in danger. Arab voters
are going en masse to the polls. Left-wing NGOs are bringing them on buses.”
Netanyahu’s fight was not exactly against the Arabs.
The Joint List, which united various Arab parties as a response to new Israeli
laws aimed at reducing their representation in the Knesset, came third with 14
seats. Though this is an impressive showing nonetheless, it falls short of
being an imminent threat to Netanyahu or the Labor (Zionist Union) Party.
Using an imagined Arab threat as a fear mongering
tactic is an Israeli political staple. It is a notion founded before the
creation of Israel over the ruins of historic Palestine in 1948. But what makes
Netanyahu’s latest statement more important than usual is that the Israeli leader
blew to bits a well-guarded secret - at least in mainstream media - that Israel
is a racist country. Not only did Netanyahu make the racist call to save his
career and stay in the race, he actually won with a substantial margin
precisely because of that very call.
Indeed, racism was in fact the reason behind his
“surprise” election victory. He is now on his way to becoming a prime minister
for the fourth time, as his Likud Party secured 30 seats in the 120-member
Knesset. The supposed “left” mostly represented in the Zionist Union won 24
seats, although their political programme was virtually indistinguishable from
Likud.
For Netanyahu’s main challenger, Isaac Herzog,
Palestinians hardly existed. The occupation was a non-issue for him and for
most Israeli political rivals for that matter. His foreign policy programme was
either identical to Netanyahu’s or was largely based on deferring foreign
policy issues to a later date. The soft-speaking Herzog had no qualms about
keeping the illegal Jewish settlements intact - which stands at the crux of
Israeli military occupation of Palestine.
“No matter who emerges as the prime minister following
the election and the inevitable weeks of haggling and horse-trading that go
into forming a coalition,” wrote Michael J Koplow, “Israel’s foreign policy on
the big issues will be marked by consistency rather than transformation.”
Although Netanyahu vowed to oppose a future
Palestinian state - raising concerns among his Western allies - Herzog, too,
practically opposed a contiguous and sovereign Palestinian state because no
such state could possibly co-exist with colonial settlements and military
occupation.
However, the US administration and media pundits
didn’t seem to be bothered by Herzog as they were by Netanyahu’s grandstanding
over Arab voters being bussed in droves or his intentions to block a
Palestinian state. If the prospective foreign policy outcome of both leaders
would have been the same, why didn’t the Obama administration object as
strongly to Herzog’s political programme as to Netanyahu’s racist rants?
One of the reasons is that Netanyahu deviated from an
unwritten script that sustained the Washington-Tel Aviv alliance for decades
and has served as the central discourse to the so-called peace process.
According to that script, Israel is allowed to virtually do as it pleases in
Palestine as long as it adheres to a strict, agreed upon narrative.
But in his hunger for power and in line with his
unquenchable arrogance, Netanyahu violated the code. For Washington, a red line
is being frequently crossed and it is becoming increasingly difficult for
Washington to maintain a special relationship with Israel, which, under
Netanyahu is paying no heed to the foreign policy interests of the United
States.
Despite protest by the Obama administration,
Netanyahu’s triumphant speech in US Congress on 3 March was perhaps the most
humiliating political episode in US politics in many years.
In the long run, that strategy could backfire.
Netanyahu’s antics are increasingly denying the US administration a prolonged,
tired and failed discourse pertaining to the peace process, Israeli security,
democracy and so on, leaving the White House with two stark choices: to follow
the lead of a racist and obsessive Netanyahu (as many Republicans and Democrats
have already done) or to part ways.
Thanks to Netanyahu, some of the misleading Israeli
myths promoted as facts by Israel supporters are now falling apart.
First, Israel cannot be a Jewish and democratic state.
There is no such thing. Jewish democracy is as flawed as any democracy that
promotes the interest of any specific racial or ethnic group at the expense of
all others. The collective cognitive dissonance that has been streamlined into
Israeli thinking that democracy can be tailored to fit racial and ethnic needs
is completely unacceptable as a sensible democratic standard.
Democracy is grounded on pluralism and inclusion, not
racial exclusion and fear mongering about Arabs voting in droves. The fact that
4.5 million Palestinians don’t have the right to vote in an area under Israel
control says volumes. The fact that Palestinians who voted in a democratic
Palestinian elections in 2006 are still suffering a punishing siege to this day
because of that choice, is particularly devastating.
Second, Israel is not an American ally and there is no
“special relationship”. Netanyahu’s speech about Iran at the US Congress in
defiance of President Obama and declared US foreign policy on Iran’s nuclear
programme was the last nail in the coffin of the tired argument that Israel and
the US are unified by a clear set of mutual interests. The “tail wagging the
dog” argument is back in full force, and Americans must understand that their
country’s political elites are torn between the interests of their country and
those of Israel. No amount of reasoning about the “special relationship” will
rectify the damage created by Netanyahu.
Third, the peace process was a farce from the start.
In fact, it was designed to be a farce, meant to manage but not resolve the conflict.
The Americans had come to terms with the idea that they cannot pressure Israel
to alter its policies, thus designed the peace process as a way to promote an
illusion that a two-state solution to the conflict is still possible, placing
the US at the helm of being a mediator between both parties.
It mattered little if the “peace process” dragged on
for a century more, as long as both parties remained verbally committed to the
unfeasible idea of a two-state solution. While Palestinian Authority President
Mahmoud Abbas kept reiterating his lines as requested by Washington - in
exchange for money and political support from the US and its Western allies -
Netanyahu reneged, not just unmasking Israel, but exposing the American-led
farce altogether. With no two-state discourse, there is no peace process, thus
there is no American strategy in the Middle East and this leads to the
question: now what?
As for Palestinians, they are not exactly “happy” that
Netanyahu has won, but some see his victory as an important step towards
confronting the 20-year charade of the peace process. They are not “relieved”
that a man with a racist and bloody legacy will invite more terror and war, but
they understand that regardless of the outcome, their suffering will endure, as
will the siege and the occupation.
While there is little that Palestinians can learn from
the outcome of Israeli elections, there is much for Americans to think about.
Ramzy Baroud -
www.ramzybaroud.net - is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant,
an author of several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. He is
currently completing his PhD studies at the University of Exeter. His latest
book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press,
London).
Source: http://www.countercurrents.org/baroud260315.htm
URL: https://newageislam.com/current-affairs/netanyahu-mythbuster-pecial-relationship-no/d/102148