By
Luv Puri
Jul 27,
2020
Pakistan
has decided to go ahead with the 450 MW Diamer-Bhasha dam in the
Gilgit-Baltistan area on the Indus river. Diamer-Bhasha dam is being jointly
constructed by a Chinese state-run firm and a commercial entity of Pakistan’s
military. A slew of infrastructural projects being pursued by China and
Pakistan in the region, including the dam, are taking place in the context of
reinforcement of the federal government’s impulse to continue the old
structures of control and micro-management.
Strategic: The Diamer-Bhasha project is being jointly constructed by a
Chinese state-run firm and a commercial entity of Pakistan’s military.
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The 1960 Indus
Waters Treaty stipulated that the waters of the three eastern rivers — Ravi,
Beas and Sutlej — would be made available for unrestricted use by India. The
waters of the three western rivers — Indus, Jhelum and Chenab — were allowed to
flow for unrestricted use by Pakistan, except for limited use by India such as
generation of hydroelectric power from run-of-the-river plants. India and
Pakistan have built dams on either side of the Line of Control. On the Chenab,
India has built Salal, Baglihar and Dul Hasti, whereas Kishanganga is built on
the Jhelum.
While
inaugurating the Diamer-Bhasha dam, PM Imran Khan implicitly invoked the Mangla
dam on the Jhelum and the Tarbela dam on the Indus as the other two big dams
constructed by Pakistan. Along with the Tarbela dam in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
province, Mangla dam in PAJK was financed through the World Bank (WB)
established Indus Basin Development Fund. The fund was set up mainly to allow
Pakistan to compensate for its water losses because of the World Bank treaty and
build replacement irrigation capacities and harness electricity. An American
consortium of eight firms constructed the dam in 1967 with reportedly more than
50 per cent funding coming from US sources. As per an estimate, the
construction involved nearly 4,500 expatriates and 9,000 Pakistani workers.
The
construction of that dam fulfilled its mandate though leaving behind a litany
of local grievances that have become part of the community’s institutionalised
memory. The dam halted all agricultural activity along the river Jhelum and led
to displacement on a wide scale of more than 81,000 people. On a field trip to
Mirpur in 2006, the locals lamented to this writer the loss of historical
sites, including a temple, as the old town was submerged due to the dam
reservoir. The dam led to a second wave of migration from Mirpur area to the
UK.
In the
first wave around the first quarter of the 20th century, many Mirpuris had
earlier settled down in the UK after working as coal stokers for the British
steamships. During the second wave, the British government had originally
granted 400 work permits, though family ties enabled the migrants to grow
manifold in the years to come. Consequently, Mirpuris and their descendants are
one of the largest South Asian communities in the UK. A smaller segment also
lives in the Midwood area of Brooklyn borough of New York city. With
agricultural fields lost for perpetuity, fluctuating foreign remittances have
become a financial lifeline for the locals.
The
displacement fuelled an already festering political movement as the locals
questioned the official claim that PAJK, called ‘Azad Kashmir’ in Pakistan, is
an independent entity. In actual practice, the powers are less than those
granted to the Pakistani provinces. Several of its local leaders, most
prominently, late Abdul Khaliq Ansari, spent several years in Pakistan’s jails
for questioning official duplicity. In the 1990s and the first decade of the
21st century, a section of the Mirpuri community leaders protested whenever
representatives of the Pakistani government came to Britain. An Anti-Mangla Dam
Committee was formed in the UK. Apart from apparent mismanaged relief and
rehabilitation, Mirpuris allege that they have to suffer far more electricity
cuts in contrast to neighbouring Punjab province.
Coming to
Gilgit-Baltistan, ethnically closer to Kargil district of Ladakh, the
displacement due to the proposed dam will be far less as compared to Mangla dam
on account of sparse population. Nevertheless, the political context in which
the construction will take place is even more constricting. China and Pakistan
are connected through the Islamabad-Kashgar-Karakoram highway that traverses
through the region. The 1949 Karachi agreement signed between the Muslim
Conference-led PAJK and Pakistan government separated the region from PAJK and
gave direct control of the region to the federal government.
In March
1999, the Supreme Court of Pakistan had ordered that the Northern Areas be
given the same political, economic and administrative rights as given to the
other provinces of Pakistan. Northern Areas Council, an executive body of the
region, became the legislative council, though the elected deputy chief
remained subservient to the chief secretary, appointed by the federal
government. The chief executive of the council was the Islamabad-based Federal
Minister for Kashmir affairs and Northern Areas.
A confusion
has marked Pakistan’s international position on the region. In 2006, Pakistan’s
ambassador to Belgium, Mohammad Sayeed Khalid, stated that the Northern Areas
was a part of Pakistan and therefore the United Nations resolutions, giving the
people of Jammu and Kashmir the right to decide between India and Pakistan,
didn’t apply to the region. The diplomat’s response came in response to the
Emma Nicholson report on J&K, which was presented to the European
Parliament. The report had raised the issue of lack of constitutional rights
for the people of Northern Areas. On August 29, 2009, Pakistan’s Prime Minister
Yousaf Raza Gilani announced political reforms in Northern Areas and renamed
the region as Gilgit-Baltistan. A legislative assembly was created with the
post of chief minister to spread the notion that the region is governed by
locals.
In 2018, a
committee headed by Sartaj Aziz had recommended the abolition of
Islamabad-based Gilgit-Baltistan council. The launch of the dam came in the
backdrop of a reversal of decision to loosen control as the new government
decided to retain the council which is headed by the Pakistan PM. In June this year,
after the completion of a five-year term of the assembly, PM Imran Khan
appointed a caretaker CM, a retired police officer. The elections have been
postponed as the voter lists are apparently incomplete.
Luv Puri is a Journalist and author
Original
Headline: Indus dam project has Chinese footprint
Source: The Tribune India
URL: https://newageislam.com/current-affairs/a-slew-infrastructural-projects-indus/d/122480
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