Books and Documents

The War Within Islam

Although Maududi opposed Jinnah and a separate state for Muslims, however, he moved to Pakistan with some of his followers. Initially he advocated the religious-cum-spiritual revival of Muslims who would not aspire for power and lead by example. But as he had witnessed the strength, religion wields in grabbing political power through mass mobilization, as experienced in the creation of Pakistan, he changed his political philosophy. His new slogan was “The Country is God’s; rule must be by God’s law; the government should be that of God’s pious men.” The “defense of Islam” in an “Islamic” state was thus the bedrock of JI in the years to follow. Soon after the Partition, the JI began to pressurize the government to frame an Islamic constitution. The JI labeled leftists, secularists and ethnic nationalists as anti-Islam and non-believers. In 1953, the JI incited and carried out attacks against Ahmadis. The murder, looting and arson resulted in the deaths of 200 Ahmadis. The story was repeated in 1974 which culminated in declaring Ahmadis as non-Muslims. Through his influence over Ch. Mohammad Ali, the then PM, Maududi was able to include the Objectives Resolution as the preamble to 1956 Constitution and the first Muslim country to be named “The Islamic Republic of Pakistan.” -- Waseem Altaf

On the malicious judicial assassination of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto who taught the nation the art of living with heads held high and gave the public a voice for speaking aloud for their rights who so far had remained silent, confined to their homes. Prior to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto the Pakistani public was not introduced to the real value of democracy and the country had no significant constitution. Not only did he bring the nation together on one constitution but also played vital role in bringing the Muslim Ummah under one flag. One who glorified Pakistan the worldwide and enabled it to become the first Islamic Atomic Power was buried silently but not unceremoniously in the darkness of the night. He was killed for no reason other than that he empowered Pakistan and brought together the Islamic countries on one platform. -- Riaz Ali Toori


Not too long ago, we possessed a great country. But where giants walked, midgets pose now. The talk today is of a vanished dignity, of a nation diminished in ways not previously imaginable. It is almost as if no one wants to acknowledge a sad end to what once was a beautiful dream. Our rulers squandered Jinnah’s legacy and turned his dream into a nightmare. Many nations in the past have attempted to develop democratic institutions, only to lose them when they took their liberties and political institutions for granted, and failed to comprehend foreign threats to their sovereignty and independent. Pakistan is a classic example. Born at midnight as a sovereign, independent, democratic country, today it is neither sovereign, nor independent, nor democratic. Today it is not just a “rentier state,” not just a client state. It is a slave state, ill-led, ill-governed by a corrupt, power-hungry junta running a puppet government set up by Washington. -- Roedad Khan

As a sociologist, particularly interested in the sociology of religion and trying to analyse the difficult situation at hand, it is increasingly becoming clear that the war with the radicals is a war of scriptural hermeneutics and the worldviews that emerge out of these. An academic review of the pamphlet left by the members of al Qaeda and Tehrik-i-Taliban Punjab after their killing of Minister for Minority Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti clearly shows how there is a mammoth task for contemporary Muslim religious scholars and social scientists to rise to the occasion and try to provide the real meaning behind scriptural definitions and interpretations of terms and concepts that are at the centre of the radical discourse. This is an immense task. This article is a humble attempt at providing a framework of analysis for the kind of thought contained in the pamphlet. Almost all the important terms in the contemporary radical discourse are contained in the above mentioned pamphlet, which makes it quite a representative document of such thought. -- Naqib Hamid

“People are tired of the old ways,” said Shahid Siddiqui, editor of Nai Duniya, an Urdu-language Muslim newspaper. “People want development. People want growth. We need people like Vastanvi who can be a symbol of the fight to bring Muslims into the modern world.”  Founded in 1866, Darul Uloom has trained thousands of imams who, in turn, have founded madrasas throughout South Asia and Africa as part of the Deobandi Islamic Movement. Deobandis advocate a conservative form of Islam, and some Deobandi mosques in Pakistan and Afghanistan became radicalized in recent decades.  Many members of the Taliban call themselves Deobandis, even though the Indian leaders of Darul Uloom have strongly condemned them, rejected extremism and organized meetings of Islamic teachers to denounce terrorism. During India’s independence movement, Deobandis supported Gandhi and later rejected joining a partitioned Pakistan. -- JIM YARDLEY

Logically, a crisis should persuade all sensible people to abandon all business as usual and promptly attend to the resolution of that crisis. We are beset by not one but virtually a ‘mob’ of crises. So, look at what engages the attention of our politicians who share power in the present ruling arrangements. On Friday, Karachi and Lahore, the two major cities that represent the most advanced segments of our society, witnessed some pathetic episodes to illustrate the moral bankruptcy of our political leadership. In Karachi and other cities of Sindh, a general strike was observed by, yes, the ruling PPP to protest against a Supreme Court judgment. And it was violent, ostensibly as a matter of familiar tactics to use the weapon of fear. When those in power themselves stage a protest against a vital institution of the state and also resort to violence, what kind of message is being delivered to the people? It is possible that the real purpose of the protest was to test and demonstrate the strength of the party in a city where the MQM has held veto power. Even then, the prognosis is very disturbing. – Ghazi Salahuddin


Valentine’s Day passed recently and the amount of columns, chat shows, contemporary affairs programmers that one single question got was shocking. It seemed that our media and middle classes had only one burning question, “Is Valentine’s Day haram?” There was such passionate discussion and heated argument — it seemed our national future was dependent on the validity of Valentine’s Day. The great litmus test in contemporary Pakistan of whether you are ‘tolerant’ and ‘progressive’ is whether or not you celebrate Valentine’s Day. This extends to every other thing. Whether you wear a beard or not is now the test for virtue. Or whether you wear jeans or not, of course, is the test for how ‘progressive’ or ‘modern’ you are. Another great debate is whether you speak English or not, or how strictly you practice Islam. There is that usual discussion on whether praying five times a day makes you a better human being. -- Ahmad Ali Khalid

Islam and Indian Patriotism
Yoginder Sikand, NewAgeIslam

Although these clerics were extremely conservative in religious and social matters, particularly on the issue of gender, they were unflagging in their commitment to a form of Indian nationalism that transcended religious boundaries. In doing so, they insisted that there was no contradiction between being Muslim and Indian. Ironically, today the Deobandi clerics, claimants to the legacy of these men, are notorious for their obscurantist fatwas, and, in Pakistan and Afghanistan, for their passionate support for Taliban-style rule. …

In addition, several companions of the prophet, thousands of Muslim saints, martyrs and scholars made India their home and died and were buried here. All these facts clearly suggest, Miyan contends that from the Islamic point of view the 'greatness' of India is 'undeniable'. Hence, he stresses, it is the religious duty of the Muslims of India to work for the sake of the unity and prosperity of the country as a whole. Madani and Miyan were far from being isolated voices among the Indian Muslim clerics of their times. While some of their fellow clerics did oppose them and supported the Pakistan demand, numerous others spoke in similar terms, forcefully opposing the Muslim League, radical Islamists as well as Hindu chauvinists. These voices cry out to be retrieved and highlighted today. -- Yoginder Sikand, NewAgeIslam.com


Pakistan has lost its soul. I heard educated and refined Pakistanis support the death of Salman Taseer and it reminded me of Nazi Germany. First ordinary people were in denial, then they were indifferent and later they accepted the propaganda that made another human being worthy of killing. Pakistanis are now in the acceptance stage. This mindset was confirmed on March 2, 2011 when Minorities Minister Shahbaz Bhatti was gunned down in Pakistan. The elephant in the room in Pakistan is the dreaded Blasphemy Law which few want to discuss, leave alone abolish. The history of the Blasphemy Law as we see it today is that British colonizers of the sub-continent  had made it a criminal offence to commit “deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings of ANY (stress mine) class by insulting its religious belief.” From their perspective, this law was meant to protect the diverse faith groups that lived in pre-partition India. After partition, the law was retained but in his presidential address to the constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947, the founder of Pakistan Quaid e Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah said “what are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy – not for a theocratic state. -- Raheel Raza

The book under review, War Within Islam, is an attempt to present the essentials of Niyaz Fatehpuri’s thinking and to underline its importance, particularly in the context of the present global situation wherein the Islamic Civilization is seen to be in clash with other major civilizations. The author, Juhi Shahin, holds Master’s degrees in Islamic Studies from the McGill University of Canada, and also from Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi. She now happens to be a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at an American University. This book is a revised version of her M.A. thesis at the McGill University.

According to the author, Niyaz believed in the need for a re-interpretation of Islam in the light of the new knowledge that had become available by then. He also advocated and practiced a rational interpretation of Islamic principles. Thus his main targets of criticism were the Ulema whom Niyaz considered to be ‘responsible for the stagnation in Muslim religious thinking, and which in turn, was making them suffer in social and economic spheres.’ Giving an example of what Niyaz called ‘rational thinking’; the author has quoted the view of Niyaz in relation to the position of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Generally Muslims consider God first in order of importance, followed by the Quran and the Prophet (PBUH) in that order. However, Niyaz assigned the top position to Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), then the Quran followed by God. His reasoning for this was the fact that Quran came to us from the mouth of Mohammad (PBUH) and we know about God from these two. A natural corollary of such a concept was the question whether the Quran was a Divine Revelation or was it the work   (na’oozo billah) of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) himself? -- SABIH MOHSIN in South Asia (January 2011)

Ever the proponent of Jinnah's founding vision, Bhatti pioneered interfaith initiatives. He built bridges. He spoke at large mosques at the invitation of senior imams and eventually, in July 2010, secured a groundbreaking joint statement from religious leaders to denounce terrorism. He further launched a network of “district interfaith harmony committees” to encourage dialogue and unite communities through common concerns. Bhatti had big plans and saw Pakistan leading the way for other countries. In his own words, he wanted to “make this world beautiful by delivering a message of peace, togetherness, unity and tolerance.” His mother, four brothers and a sister survive him. -- Annabelle Bentham

Photo: Shahbaz Bhatti

The menacing threat that radical self-styled defenders of Islam today pose to the Pakistani state is, undeniably, a logical culmination of the very ideological basis of that state. It is certainly not an aberration or a betrayal of the ideals of the founding-fathers of Pakistan, that some of the Pakistani scholars at the seminar insisted on characterizing it as. The very notion of Pakistan is based on the untenable argument that the Muslims and Hindus of pre-Partition India were not just two distinct communities, but, more than that, two entirely different nations. It was claimed by the founders of Pakistan—and this continues to be official policy—that the Hindus and Muslims of India had nothing at all in common, and that, therefore, their very differences necessitated the setting up of a separate state of Pakistan for the Muslims of the subcontinent, where they would be free of Hindu domination and could, so the argument goes, be free to develop in accordance with the teachings of Islam. ... This task gains particular salience given the fact that ulema and other scholars who publicly articulate progressive and inclusive understandings of Islam that challenge the ideology of Islamist radicals are such a rarity in Pakistan today. There are several reasons for this, and I will identify only two. The first is sheer fear—of being declared an apostate, a heretic, an agent of this or the other ‘enemy of Islam’, and even of being killed for daring to critique, even if by using counter Islamic arguments, dominant discourses about Islam, particularly on issues such as jihad, inter-community relations and women.  …  A second reason for this state of affairs, as a Pakistani friend mentioned in a conversation in Delhi just a fortnight ago, is that the Pakistani elites, including the ‘modern’ educated intelligentsia, who might seem to be most in need of an enlightened Islamic discourse, have generally taken little or no interest in Islamic scholarship themselves. For them, so says my friend, religion is either some sort of taken-for-granted identity or else mere mumbo-jumbo superstition and a sign of backwardness, and hence something fit to be left to the mullahs to monopolise.--Yoginder Sikand, NewAgeIslam.com

A call aimed at a generation brought up on the historical and ideological narratives manufactured by some in the military and theocratic elites. Why then was Hamid hounded out from a state-owned university but was successful in finding a more receptive audience at private colleges and universities? The answer to this is not all that complex. All these groups are largely political in orientation with controversial histories in which each played a leading role in various democratic movements but at the same time also got embroiled in some serious violence. History has not been very kind to them as far as the new generation of Pakistanis is concerned; most simply see these groups as thugs. This is also the generation that in the last 15 years has opted to join the many new privately-owned universities and colleges that do not allow conventional Pakistani student political groups to operate.-- Nadeem F. Paracha


THE cold, calculated assassination of Shahbaz Bhatti, federal minister for religious minorities, in Islamabad yesterday is yet another blow to the idea of Jinnah’s Pakistan. Mr Bhatti’s killers may have escaped the scene of the crime, but the real culprit is known to all: an extremist mindset that has, with the sponsorship of some institutions of the state, spread far and wide in Pakistani society. The tragic irony of a country created to protect the rights of a minority — Muslims in unified India — turning into a killing field for those standing up for the rights of minorities evokes a deep sense of pathos and helplessness. Yet, the second high-profile killing in less than two months in Islamabad linked to the issue of the country’s blasphemy laws raises at least two hard questions. -- Editorial in Dawn, Karachi


Pakistan is not the only Muslim country that is facing this siege within. Extremism has emerged as a serious, if not the greatest, threat to Muslim societies everywhere.  Of course, we can go on endlessly debating the historical, political and social factors responsible for the phenomenon. Which we have done for far too long without getting anywhere. It’s about time we came up with some effective steps and concrete action to take on extremism — and those who cling to it as their way of life — head on. ...

Extremism, rampant crime and gun culture are eating into the vitals of the South Asian country that also happens to be a nuclear state. Everything is falling apart. This doesn’t have to be like this. If anyone can change this state of affairs, it is none but the Pakistanis themselves. A resilient and enterprising lot, they have proved time and again they could achieve anything if they put their mind to it.  It’s time to rediscover that fighting spirit of Pakistan to win this war on extremism. -– Editorial in Arab News

Also: Editorial responses from Pakistani and Indian newspapers

Barelvi Mullah says Every Pakistani is KAFIR

Fatwa ka Bazar by M.A.N.

 Maulana Tariq Jameel firing on Shia and Deobandi "beghairat, " "sab se ganda hai phir bhi sunni kahklata hai.". "Sahaba-e-Huzoor Salam are kafir "(Nauzbillah). "Shia and Deobandi are both kafir. But the bigger Kafir is Deobandi, Shia at least proclaims he is not ahle sunnat, whereas Deobandis claim tobe ahle-sunnat."

Bara Kafir Deobandi hai. Wajibul Qatal (fit to be killed) hai, Aur is mein shak karne wala bhi wajibul qatal hai. (Deobandi is the bigger kafir and any one who doubts that is also kafir and  fit to be killed like the Deobandis.)


Maulana Tahirul Qadri firing on Deobandis: sab kafir hain. Wahhabis are Murtad, kafir, kuttay, dogs,  terrorist, lanati, Yazidi, kerbala kay terrorist, Muslim mamalik kay badshah dallay, brokers and prostitutes. Listen to  Moulvi Syed Irfan Shah Ashadi.

The media has been lending almost tacit support to the currency of intolerance. The country, already battered by bloody terrorist onslaughts, is being further forced to fend off the fury and fanaticism of some hitherto apparently silent segments that have infiltrated into the most treasured security shields

The shock, sorrow and anger that stormed the nation after Salmaan Taseer’s assassination brought home stark realities to highlight the unbridled intolerance, fanaticism and obsession that seem set to obliterate the slightest dissent from the obscurantist notions of faith, conduct and behaviour. The widespread condemnation, mourning, memorial messages, vigils, candle-lighting, processions and protest rallies to vent love, reverence, grief and concern were in perfect order. However, far more potent and concerted steps are needed to reorient the maverick mindset and the attitudes that have abysmally sunk into some circles to enable them to act as self-styled vigilantes, judges, jurists and executioners. -- Elf Habib

Deoband: War of the Mullahs
Yoginder Sikand, NewAgeIslam.com

From what these Deobandi Maulvis are alleging about the men behind the anti-Vastanvi campaign—fellow Deobandi Maulvis, led by the Madni gang that has monopolized the Deoband Madrasa for decades—one thing is clear: that for many mullahs, religion and religious institutions are simply tools to feather their own nests and to whip up the support of the credulous by projecting themselves as pious defenders of the faith. As rival factions of the Deobandi mullah community continue to battle each other, the sordid role of the 'secular' Congress Party in backing the most obscurantist sections of the mullahs, as represented by the Madni clique, is also becoming increasingly evident.  Needless to say, in this symbiotic nexus, the common Muslims, sacrificial victims of the machinations of political parties and the mullahs, have everything to lose, even the faint glimmer of hope for educational empowerment that Vastanvi's appointment had appeared to promise. -- Yoginder Sikand, NewAgeIslam.com

Deoband: Smash These Idols
Arshad Alam, NewAgeIslam.com
Deoband: Smash These Idols
Arshad Alam for NewAgeIslam.com

Let me add a caveat here. I am not arguing that Vastanwi will or would have brought some kind of a revolutionary change in the seminary. The politics of Deoband -- its being antithetical to lived Islamic traditions and therefore anti-pluralism--will continue irrespective of Vastanwi or anyone else. Yet there are three important reasons why I think Vastanwi should be allowed to continue as the rector of Deoband. The first is that even piecemeal reformist change within the institution is welcome and Vastanwi had the potential as well as the experience to do that. The second is that he symbolizes a wider Muslim discontent over the fact that a large number of important Muslim institutions have been monopolized by few prominent Muslim families and individuals. The third and related reason is that Vastanwi comes from the Islamic periphery and by his mere presence makes Muslim politics more inclusive. His presence is a signal that the fate of Indian Muslims need not be tied to the fate of feudal and decrepit UP Muslim elite.     

 Signals are that Vastanwi would not give up without a fight. It is great news that a section of students and teachers have rallied behind him. If this is a sign of internal churning within Muslims for meaningful change, then it is most welcome. Muslims in the Arab world have had enough of their dictators. It is time Indian Muslims in general and Deoband students in particular start articulating a similar demand and start smashing the living idols within their community. -- Arshad Alam for NewAgeIslam.com


Earlier, peaceful meetings were held by supporters of Maulana Vastanvi in Saharanpur and elsewhere. Clearly, though Madanis and Qasmis have ruled the roost in Deoband for over a century, an outsider like Maulana Vastanvi too has supporters in the Saharanpur area for his agenda of change. Indeed, the Maulana has been a member of the Shoura for the last 18 years. But opening fire in a meeting being held by the Qasmi groups of ulema of Darul Uloom allegedly by Maulana Vastanvi’s supporters, if true, deserves severe condemnation.

The powers-that-be at Deoband are not going to leave their power and privilege so easily. They have been in politics for long and like other politicians they too must have supporters with arms and ammunition. Majlis-e-Shoura should not give more time to mischief mongers from either group to succeed in inflicting damage to Darul Uloom and call its meeting as soon as possible and take a decision once and for all to prevent the situation from going out of hand. The firing should stir the Majlis-e-Shoura into action or it may be too late. The battle should not enter the third round: death and bloodshed. - New Age Islam Edit Desk

Are all Ahaadith authentic?
A. Faizur Rahman, NewAgeIslam.com

At a recent Islamic conference held in Chennai, a hardcore Salafi scholar spewed venom at the munkireen-e-ahaadith (the rejectors of  hadiths). “These people” he said, “claim that if a Hadith goes against the Quran or common sense, it should be rejected” thereby giving the impression that all hadiths are to be followed in their entirety without subjecting them to intellectual scrutiny. Short of inciting his captive audience to lynch the munkireen-e-ahaadith this so-called scholar heaped all the expletives in his vocabulary against them and demanded that Muslims shun these “enemies of Islam.”  It therefore becomes imperative to discuss further the place of Ahaadith (sing., Hadith) in Islamic law and also in the lives of Muslims.

In a nutshell a hadith may be defined as a report concerning the sayings and the doings of the Prophet Muhammad which has reached us through a chain of narrators. The Quran described the Prophet as the Muallim (teacher) of Allah's Book and its Wisdom and as such his sayings and doings constitute an exposition of the philosophy of the Quran. This also means that no Prophetic saying or deed can go against the Quran, for how could the Messenger violate the very Message he brought? But what if there are Ahaadith which contradict the Quran? Of course they need to be questioned and their authenticity examined because it is possible such traditions may have wrongly attributed to the Prophet what he did not say or do. Muslim scholars have rejected several Aahaadith on this basis without their Eeman or motives being questioned. Therefore, it must be understood that rejection of questionable Ahaadith does not amount to the rejection of the Prophet. It only amounts to a rejection of unreliable reports wrongly attributed to our beloved Prophet. -- A. Faizur Rahman, NewAgeIslam.com

Rapidly altering levels of aspiration over the past two decades have impacted the minorities as much as anyone else. Old inhibitory factors have been blown away by new pulls: opportunity, hopes for a better life for younger people, the unspoken comfort provided by a fairly long spell of governance without needing to debate or fortify themselves from destructive elements on the right. There have been pushes too: for example, the collapse of traditional crafts (which Muslims have depended upon in clusters) has forced people out of old networks. Government largesse has been more innovative; scholarships, bicycles, housing loans, education opportunities and a promise of more, even in BJP-ruled states, have expanded the space for the Indian Muslim. The virtual collapse of Pakistan as an ideal Islamic state (with Shia-Sunni conflicts and Hanafi-Wahhabi strife tearing the country apart, making even offering prayers in mosques a risky proposition) has also sobered down those who may have secretly yearned for the comfort of being “there”. -- Seema Chishti

Faith — mosque, temple or church — has been a traditional sanctuary of the people in their constant struggle against innumerable forms of autocracy and dictatorship that have been the tragedy of human history. The institutions of God provide a comfort zone to the individual persecuted by institutions of man, particularly during moments of distress. Faith is often a symbol of resistance, as autocratic Arab regimes are discovering today when the streets are finally alive with the thunder of long-overdue protest against smug dictatorships that confused their harsh intelligence services with intelligence...

Deoband is often demonized by a Western-influenced discourse. Yes, there is a fringe that has converted Deoband into a fatwa factory for regressive pronouncements; and some of its influences have been distorted to justify violence. But every great centre of education produces a few children who dishonour their intellectual parent. Deoband is a tremendous resource for those Muslims who do not have the advantage of birth or lineage. It is the hope and dream not only of those who want to serve Allah through the mosque, but also young men who see in its educational repository a chance for a better life. The place it commands in the affections of Muslims makes Deoband a power centre; and where there is power, there will be politics. What we are seeing at the moment is a political battle between factions, and the vested interests that feed off them, for the control of Deoband. -- M J Akbar

Deoband Stir: History Repeats Itself
Shakil Khan, NewAgeIslam.com

It is not that the Deoband madrasa is new to such petty politics, being used as a tool to promote the political designs of certain mullahs who claim to speak for Islam and for all the Muslims of India. What Arshad Madani and Mahmood Madani are being accused of doing today is in itself nothing novel. Indeed, they appear to be faithfully following in the footsteps of the late Asad Madani, the man behind a similar controversy in the Deoband  as we are witness to today, that caused a major split in the madrasa which still remains unhealed after more than three decades. That controversy, and the deadly politics behind it, bears eerie parallels with the current anti-Vastanvi agitation, showing the depths that self-styled religious ‘leaders’ can stop for the sake of power and pelf. -- Shakil Khan, NewAgeIslam.com

Photo: Maulana Mahmood Madani

The Ahl-e Hadith and the Shias are inveterate foes, each insisting that their own brand of Islam is the only authentic one, branding the other as not just heretics but even as ‘enemies of Islam’ and as wholly outside the Muslim fold. But they are one on the status of the Deobandis, whom they regard as hardly proper Muslims at all. In turn, the Deobandis virulently castigate both the Ahl-e Hadith and the Shias as deviants and even worse. Deobandi mullahs have written dozens of tomes and have issued innumerable fatwas denouncing the Ahl-e Hadith as a dangerous fitna or source of un-Islamic strife, and, therefore, as hardly Muslim. Many Deobandis regard Shias as not just non-Muslims but even as vociferous ‘enemies of Islam’. Ahl-e Hadith and Shia clerics hold similar views about the Deobandis. Given this, some critics are now asking why it is that these two Urdu papers, one run by men affiliated to the Ahl-e Hadith, and the other by a group of Shias, are leading the anti-Vastanvi campaign and are fiercely backing his opponents—specifically, the Madni family that has been treating the Deoband madrasa as its fiefdom for decades, with the blessings of the Congress Party. Is it not curious, they point out, that in order to oust Vastanvi, these two Urdu papers are even projecting the Deoband madrasa as the world’s ‘leading centre’ of Islamic learning, and are fiercely backing Vastanvi’s contenders for the post of rector in order, so they claim, to defend the madrasa and the Deobandi sect, although the Muslim sects that the owners of these papers are affiliated with are vociferously opposed to the Deobandis? Is it not bizarre that all this is happening despite the fact that their own sects and brands of Islam have been consistently condemned as deviant and even worse by the mullahs of Deoband? Daal mai zaroor kuch kala hai, they insist. -- Shakil Khan, NewAgeIslam.com

LAST Sunday, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement ( MQM) urged the Supreme Court of Pakistan to take suo motu notice of the doubling of crime in Punjab province and recommended that the army should take control of the province. Not so long ago, the MQM chief, Altaf Hussain, who is ensconced in the safety of London, had exhorted Pakistanis to launch a “ bloody revolution” to overthrow the feudal ruling classes. Indeed, he had gone so far as to say that “ patriotic generals” should step in to save the country once again...

Therefore the less said about the MQM’s demand for “ patriotic generals”, “ bloody revolutions” and “ martial laws”, the better. It is part of the MQM’s tactics to keep its powder dry in a potential election year. It is desperate to extend its vote bank in rural Sindh and get a toehold in Punjab, which is why it is railing against General Sales Tax on services ( biggest impact in Karachi) and demanding tax on agricultural incomes of big landlords ( in Sindh and Punjab). -- Najam Sethi

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    ( By hats off! )
  • how else do you think religions spread? apart from other ways, propaganda is one of the moe most....
    ( By hats off! )
  • IMr Arshad I have said repatldy there is right to,protest but repeatedly Muslims had violated all state laws. So...
    ( By Aayina )
  • Satire but true; Anyone who follows Sufisim, Sia, Wahabis and other School of thoughts are not following....
    ( By Aayina )
  • Gulam Mohyuddin lies are spread by this website and you by Blocking the Public Route, and throwing stone on police...
    ( By Aayina )
  • Western world is paying price for thier long term Karma, when technology was to open up western ....
    ( By Aayina )
  • Do not worry do you want Indian and Bangladeshi Muslim, than there are some section of Indian and ...
    ( By Aayina )
  • An article written by a Sikh writer, Ishmeet Nagpal, says, "In the wake of the....
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • Gulam Mohyuddin that what your paigamber did, when asked hard Question, he accused to all who....
    ( By Aayina )
  • A Jamat which was built on response of Suddhi Therikh, you cannot expect more.'
    ( By Aayina )
  • Anyone who considers murderous ISIS thugs to be true followers of the Quran....
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • It is idiotic to blame Indian Muslims for the mess in Kashmir. Do these Sanghi hate pracharaks...
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • Tablighi leaders who broke social distancing rules on a large scale....
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • Arrogant hate-pracharaks like Secularlogic will always find lies to smear....
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • NAi has been condemning communal violence against all the religious communities. We have wrote ...
    ( By Arshad )
  • The Shahin Bagh was evacuated on 24th but Markaz was evacuated on 31st. What was the priority of the government, Corona or Shahin Bagh?
    ( By Arshad )
  • No reader/contributor of NAI has condemned it. 55 native citizens of Afgan -Hindu Sikhs - were brutally...
    ( By Dr.A.Anburaj )
  • So Gulam Mohyuddin Camden the Muslim of India first who spit venom toward Hindu and exodus of Kashmiri ….
    ( By Aayina )
  • To Sultan Shahin. It Scnecior request that, if you do not tell Mr Arshad, of taking his word of accusing Government....
    ( By Aayina )
  • Ayina, Your hate mail is usually full of lies and ignorance so the question of rebuttal does not arise. For ...
    ( By Ghulam Mohiyuddin )
  • As for free masks, did the government even tell the people that wearing masks and gloves was mandatory...
    ( By Arshad )