By Prem Shankar
Jha
March 1, 2012
India should resist
the West's brazen efforts to use championship of democracy as a cover for
regime change.
In June 1914, Serbian
ultra-nationalists calling themselves the Black Hand managed to kill Archduke
Ferdinand, the heir apparent to the throne of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in
Sarajevo and ignited the First World War. None of the Great Powers wanted that
war. None expected it to last more than four weeks. It lasted four years and
took 19.5 million lives. Today, three apparently coordinated attacks on Israeli
diplomats in Georgia, India and Thailand, for which Tel Aviv is strenuously
blaming Iran, could become the spark for a similar conflagration in the Middle
East.
The comparison is not
as fanciful as it sounds, for the configuration of forces in the international
state system is beginning to resemble what existed in the decade before the
First World War. The most striking similarities are the decline in the economic
power of the hegemonic nation — Britain then, the United States today;
challenges from new aspirants to hegemony, Germany then (with the U.S. lurking
in the wings), China and Salafi Islam today; attempts to shore up hegemony
through alliances with like-minded nations — Britain, France and Russia then —
the U.S., the European Union and Israel today; the emergence of a bunker
mentality that hardens stances and progressively closes the avenues for peace
through accommodation; and a growing temptation to use military power to
pre-empt potential challenges even before they arise.
Minor player
In 1914 it was
Austria, a minor player in the great power game that lit the fuse that blew up
Europe. It could have chosen to accept Serbia's frantic efforts to make amends
after the assassination. But it chose to invade Serbia in order to teach its
own fractious nationalities a lesson. Serbia was allied to Russia, Russia to
France and France to Britain. Austria, on the other hand, was allied to the
principal challenger for hegemony in Europe, Germany. None of the great powers
wanted war, but none felt sufficiently secure or had the confidence to back off
from its commitments. The result was a war that wiped out the flower of a
generation in Europe.
Today, it is once more
the smallest and least secure member of the western alliance, Israel that is
threatening to light the fuse in the Middle East. Unable, or perhaps unwilling,
to make peace with the Palestinians on terms that they can accept, it now
perceives the mere existence of states in its neighbourhood that are not
reconciled to its existence as a threat to its existence. Iran heads the list.
Israel has given a
virtual ultimatum to its partners that if they cannot stop Iran from setting up
uranium enrichment plants, it will take unilateral military action to stop it
from doing so. Instead of dissuading Tel Aviv in unequivocal terms, Barack
Obama has dithered between privately reining it in, and publicly supporting it
by sending two aircraft carrier groups into the Arabian Sea and threatening to
use “other means” if Iran does not stop its nuclear enrichment programme.
Dangerous moment
Israel's brinkmanship
has come at a dangerous moment because, for reasons both domestic and
international, Europe, the U.S., Russia, China (the new kid on the block), and
Iran, are suffering from a crisis of confidence that makes them wary of
appearing weak in the eyes of the international community and their own people.
Tired of unending economic woes at home and fighting a losing battle against
the Taliban in Afghanistan, the U.S. and the EU have seized upon the so-called
Arab Spring in a desperate bid to snatch victory from the jaws of defeat. To do
so, they are posing as champions of democracy and human rights, who have come
to the aid of the long suppressed Arab “people” in their fight for democracy
against corrupt, brutal and autocratic rulers. In their eagerness to don the
mantle of saviours they have not merely abandoned the secular, albeit
autocratic, regimes that had kept the peace in the Middle East for four
decades, but trampled upon the last remnants of the doctrine of national
sovereignty upon which the international order, indeed international law
itself, has been based for the last 350 years.
Thus in January last
year, Mr. Obama virtually forced Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak to resign; in
February, the U.S. and the EU joined hands to destroy the Qadhafi regime in
Libya; less than two months later, they embarked upon a campaign to oust the
Baath regime of Basher-al-Assad in Syria.
Unfortunately, the
Arab Spring hasn't turned out quite the way the West had hoped, for in every
country, the secular democratic elements have been swamped by an Islamist
upsurge. Faced with a possibility that these governments could turn out to be
far more anti-West and anti-Israel than their predecessors, the West has turned
to the orthodox Wahabi establishment of Saudi Arabia and the Sunni sheikhs of
the UAE to keep the Muslim brotherhood and more extreme Salafi factions in
check. But these regimes too have been feeling the cold winds of the Arab
Spring and have hastened to find ways of diverting them elsewhere. They have
done so by reviving a far older conflict — between Sunni and Shia Islam,
between Arabs and Persians.
Syria, the
convergence point
Syria has become the
convergence point of both this conflict and the U.S.' and the EU's struggle to
protect Israel at any cost. This is because it is an anomaly. It is an
authoritarian country ruled by a minority in which the religious majority has
not shown any signs of restiveness for more than 40 years. It is a deeply
religious but secular country in which men and women mingle freely in the
workplace, in markets, and in restaurants; where movies are not banned and
drinking liquor is not Haram. It is western enough to have a national symphony
orchestra and a western music conservatoire patronised by the President of the
country, but is also an unabashed champion of Arab nationalism and the rights of
the Palestinians, willing to cooperate with Iran and the Hezbollah to further
their cause.
In Israeli and
American eyes, it is precisely Syria's (and Libya's) capacity for independent
action, and the remote possibility that it might become a conduit for Iranian
fidayeen to penetrate and attack Israel, which turns it into a threat. That is
why the Assad regime must now be destroyed, much as Qadhafi was four months
ago.
India has been asked
to join the high table at which the U.S., the EU and Israel already sit and has
so far been a none-too-unwilling guest. It has either abstained, or voted for,
every resolution tabled in the U.N. by the hegemonic powers in favour of
militarily enforced regime change in the Middle East. It is again faced with a
non-binding resolution in the Security Council, being brought by Saudi-and
UAE-dominated Arab League, demanding that Mr. Assad “move aside.” And Israel is
already urging India to support a resolution in the Security Council condemning
Iran for the bomb attack on its diplomat in Delhi, before its agencies have
completed their investigations.
New Delhi can be
forgiven if it is tempted to stay on at the high table. But it has a duty, to
not only its own people but the rest of the world, to get off it and become an
independent voice of sanity and moderation. It must stoutly oppose the West's
brazen effort to turn the championship of democracy and human rights into a
cover for regime change. This is the most complete violation of Article 2 of
the U.N. Charter that is possible to imagine. The U.S., and now the EU have
decided to ignore their commitments as signatories of the U.N. Charter and have
twisted the U.N. into an unrecognisable parody of itself. But for scores of
small countries, its Charter remains the only refuge from international anarchy
and a headlong plunge into Hobbes' State of Nature. India must speak up for
them. As the most open and democratic and the least threatening large country
in the world, it has far better credentials to do so than Russia and China. It
must not leave this task to them alone.
Balance smashed
For decades, peace in
the Middle East had depended on a balance between secular nations that
subscribed to the ideals of social freedom and gender equality, and
traditionalist emirates and monarchies, created or sustained by the western
powers to safeguard their interests in Arab oil. Today, the West has all but
smashed that balance. Only fools can persuade themselves that handing over
control of the Arab world to the Salafis who planned, participated in, and
certainly approved of the destruction of the World Trade Centre, will make
terrorism go away. But only those who are fools twice over can believe that
allowing Israel to trigger a ruinous war with Iran will make the world “safer
for humanity.” What it will do is to unleash the fury of Shia terrorism as well
on the West. One shudders to think of where that road could lead.
Source: The Hindu, New Delhi
URL: https://newageislam.com/islam-west/helping-unleash-salafi-shia-terrorism/d/6763