By Appu Esthose Suresh
Aug 21, 2015
Since June 2013, when the two parties split
and up to just a month ago, in the run-up to the Assembly elections, “communal
incidents” number has surged to 667.
A mob gathers in Jehanabad on June 25 after
a land dispute led to clashes.
Since January 2010, for the last three and
a half years that the BJP and Janata Dal (United) were together in power, there
were 226 “communal incidents” across Bihar — incidents where Hindus and
Muslims, the two largest religious groups in the state, were pitted against
each other. Each incident was recorded by the local police station and
classified as “communal”.
But since June 2013, when the two parties
split and up to just a month ago, in the run-up to the Assembly elections, that
number has surged to 667.
This is among the key findings of a
two-month investigation by The Indian Express of police records from 38
districts of the state and a journey criss-crossing the 18 districts that
account for more than 70 per cent of these incidents.
Most of these incidents are clashes sparked
off by clearly deliberate triggers: dumping of animal parts in places of
worship (pigs near mosques, beef near temples); provocative sloganeering during
processions passing through Muslim-majority neighbourhoods; and communalisation
of even trivial incidents such as a dispute during a cricket match as to who
was hit by a ball; vandalisation of idols.
Mapping the Surge in Bihar: Tension in
Areas Where BJP Made Big Electoral Gains
In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP
won 18 of the 23 seats from the 18 districts that The Indian Express visited.
Security forces stage a march in Bihar’s
Jehanabad district on June 27 during a shutdown called by the VHP in protest
against police firing two days earlier to defuse tension surrounding a land
dispute between Hindus and Muslims. (Source: PTI)
The almost three-fold spike in “communal
incidents” after the BJP-JD(U) ruling alliance broke up on June 18, 2013, with
both Hindus and Muslims listed as instigators, assumes political significance
in Bihar during an election year especially when the BJP has shown significant
gains across the state. Indeed, in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 18
of the 23 seats from the 18 districts that The Indian Express visited. Its
allies LJP and RLSP won two seats each from these districts, with only Chief
Minister Nitish Kumar’s Nalanda going to the JD (U).
Both sides see a potential harvest in these
seeds of discord: the BJP uses the surge in these incidents to argue, as Prime Minister
Narendra Modi did in his Saharsa rally this week, that law and order has
collapsed in the state. The Bihar unit of BJP also claims the ruling political
dispensation is biased and indulges in Muslims appeasement. The JD (U) and Lalu
Prasad’s Rashtriya Janata Dal, however, lay the blame on the BJP’s door
alleging that the incidents are part of its strategy to consolidate the “Hindu
Whatever may be the motive; records show
that most of these cases were defused just before they erupted into large-scale
violence. “We have been lucky,” said a senior police officer in the Police
Headquarters. “Any one could have snowballed into a riot with deaths and
An Analysis Of The Surge And Its
Geography Also Reveals Interesting Patterns:
* A majority of the communal incidents
since June 2013 — 418 or 62.6% — were recorded in 24 districts where the Muslim
population is below the state average of 16.5%. This, JD(U) leaders claim,
shows that the BJP is working to polarise the community and, thereby, consolidate
the Hindu vote.
* In these 24 districts in the last Lok
Sabha elections, the BJP won 22 seats. In the previous elections, when it
contested as a partner of JD (U), it won 12 seats across Bihar out of 15 it
contested by itself. Three seats out of the 12 won by the BJP in 2009 —
Katihar, Araria and Purnea — have the highest concentration of Muslims in the
state, 43%, 41% and 37% respectively, and also fall in a belt that shows the
lowest number of communal incidents in June 2013-June 2015. In the 2014 election,
these seats were won by RJD, NCP and JD(U).
* In fact, the BJP bagged 18 seats and its
allies won four seats out of the 23 seats where more than 70% of the communal
incidents are concentrated.
* The communal incidents are spreading:
Four districts, Munger, Supaul, Madhepura and Lakhisarai, which saw zero
incidents from January 2010- June 2013, witnessed more than five incidents a
year in June 2013 and June 2015 — a total of 39. In 19 districts that recorded
fewer than three incidents in January 2010- June 2013, more than 10 incidents
were recorded in the following two years during June 2013- June 15.
* An indicator of how polarised the
community is, is evident in the manner in which seemingly trivial incidents —
including “eve teasing”, cricket match dispute — acquire a communal colour
after a flare-up. An analysis of police records shows that there were 92
trivial incidents in the three-and-a-half years between January 2010 and June
18, 2013, and it went up to 427 in the following two years between June 2013
and June 2015. During the same period, January 2010-June 18, 2013, 19 incidents
of eve-teasing acquired communal colour. But, in the following two years till
June 2015, eve-teasing became the basis of 145 communal clashes.
Says JD (U) president Sharad Yadav: “The
elections will be held around Durga Puja and Muharram; we may see a harvesting
season of communal violence. This is what made us break our ties with the BJP
because we realised they want to plant seeds of partition again.”
This is propaganda, says BJP’s Bihar chief
and former deputy chief minister Sushil Kumar Modi. Asked to comment on the
police data on “communal incidents”, Sushil Modi said that these showed that
the government has lost its grip over the state.
“It has nothing to do with the break-up.
Basically, what has happened after the split is that the present government has
lost control over the police administration. The normal crime rate has also
gone up, so it is not just communal incidents,” Modi told The Indian Express.
“After the alliance break-up, Nitish Kumar
has devoted himself to political management. So the major reason for the rise
in communal incidents is a lack of governance,” he said.
On the ground, meanwhile, none of the
nearly 100 police officers of various ranks, starting from those in charge of
local stations that The Indian Express met during this investigation agreed to
speak on record, while state DGP P K Thakur did not respond to requests seeking
But many admitted privately that what was
really worrying them was how some districts, such as Jehanabad, Rohtas, Saran,
Nalanda, Gopalganj and Aurangabad, which recorded stray communal incidents in
2010-12, saw a spike after the BJP-JD(U) split.
Of these, Jehanabad is the political
bastion of Jitan Ram Manjhi, the Mahadalit leader, a former JD (U) chief
minister and now a BJP ally. Between June 25 and 27 this year, Jehanabad, where
18.95% of the population are Dalit — the state average is 15.72% — witnessed
its first major communal riot. Saran in Chhapra is the bastion of of RJD chief
Lalu Prasad; and Nalanda of Nitish Kumar. And this is where The Indian Express
focused on in the first part of this investigation.
Fault Lines In Nitish, Manjhi, Lalu
Aug 21, 2015
Nalanda: Neem Trees, Beef Wrapped In
To understand what went wrong in Nalanda,
you need to travel through a narrow lane to reach Khasganj in the middle of
About 100 metres into the lane, you will
come across a Shiva temple on the left and the one-room house of Mohan Pandit,
a 45-year-old tailor and potter, on the right. Then, after you negotiate the
narrow turns that lie ahead, with houses spilling over to the road leaving
little space for vehicles to pass by, you will come across a mosque.
The handful of “communal incidents”
recorded in this neighbourhood of Yadavs, Muslims and Paswans from 2010 to June
2013 were mainly triggered by Muharram procession flags allegedly brushing the
lower branches of two Neem trees, which stand next to the mosque and are
considered “sacred” by the Hindus. “Every year, during Muharram, we would cover
the branches so that the procession flags do not touch them,” said a police
But all that changed in four days spread
over a year. On November 16, 2013 and October 18, 2014, pieces of beef were
hurled into the Shiva temple.
“It was placed in a polythene cover the
second time. We don’t know who did it. But senior police officers came and
controlled the situation,” said Pandit, the tailor who stays opposite the
And on July 22, 2014 and October 26, 2014,
unidentified pieces of bones and cowdung were found splattered on the walls of
”The district administration rushed to hold peace meetings and
reduce the tension,” said a police officer.
Police records trace the source of the
communal tension to an incident on July 16, 2013, when Hindus, with the support
of local religious leaders, objected to construction of a wall by Muslims in a
vacant land near the mosque.
That was 28 days after the BJP and JD (U)
Jehanabad: How VHP Bandh Set the Ball
In 1997, Jehanabad witnessed the infamous
Batan Tola massacre in which 61 Dalits, including an 11-month-old baby and an
80-year-old woman, were brutally killed by the Bhumihar-led Ranvir Sena.
Eighteen years later, it took just three
days to topple the balance of caste that had ruled political equations in this
district over the years. And that happened from June 25-27, as a VHP bandh
quickly escalated into the district’s first full-scale communal riot.
While police records point to the
involvement of VHP activists in stoking communal passions, what was significant
was the leading role played by members of the Dom community in the violence
The Doms are one of the 18 groups tagged as
Mahadalits in Bihar, and the district is part of the belt that has the highest
concentration of Dalits in the state.
Police records show that the riot was
sparked by the fencing of land on one side of the Suhyi Ghat, about 100m from
the local temple and a popular site along the Dardha River for the traditional
Police said tensions were simmering ever
since rumours began circulating in May about the construction of a mosque on a
patch of land that surfaced near the ghat after the river changed course.
”While the Doms staked their claim to land as the graveyard of their
ancestors, Muslims sought to fence it, forcing the administration to declare it
as ‘no-man’s land’,” a local police officer said.
”On June 23, a few Muslims attempted to fence the land, triggering
clashes. When the police tried to intervene, a mob chanting ‘Jai Shri Ram’
slogans attacked them. On June 25, mobs forced Muslim shops to pull down their
shutters in Raja Bazaar, leading to a scuffle and then a riot that lasted for
three days,” he added.
“Whoever has done wrong should be
punished,” said Mukesh Pathak, who lives next to Suhyi Ghat. “Attacking police
was wrong, but we should look at the cause.”
What led police to conclude that the riots
were planned was a curious fact: all the lathis recovered from rioters and from
various parts of the city were of the same size.
Saran: A DJ Takes On Pakistan with
In February last year, eight activists of
the Bajrang Dal were named in an FIR by police for inciting communal violence
in Saran’s Kopa Basdila, in the middle of Lalu Prasad’s political base. The FIR
was registered after clashes, involving around 1,000 people, erupted on
February 2 after the DJ accompanying a Hindu procession started shouting
provocative slogans against Pakistan.
Local police said that since 2013, the DJ
has also been playing audio clips from a YouTube video showing a teenage girl,
clad in saffron robes with a white tilak on her forehead, taunting Pakistan in
a 3-minute-long diatribe.
They also claimed that when the procession
passes through a Muslim neighbourhood, the DJ plays anti-Pakistan dialogues
from Bollywood movies, particularly of those starring Sunny Deol.
It was in this neighbourhood, on Gaffar
Khan Road, that The Indian Express met Haji Fazale Rab Khan, in his 80s. “We
have been living peacefully here for years. We attend Hindu festivals and they
come over to my home during Eid. But in the last few years, some lumpen
elements have suddenly emerged, and started provoking
people and vitiating the atmosphere,” Khan said.
“Are we not Indians? Why do they shout
‘Pakistan Murdabad’ when they pass by our Masjid or neighbourhood?” he asked.
“We still have a cordial relationship with
Muslims,” said Rai Bahur Sah, one of the Bajrang Dal activists named in the
FIR. “They (Muslims) are opposed to the formation of Bajrang Dal and that is
why they named us in the complaint. The problem started when Muslims opposed
the procession,” he added.
Asked about the provocative slogans raised
by the DJ, Sah said, “Why should they get angry? The slogans were against
Pakistan. In fact, they should join us in raising the slogans.”
Carcass In Mosque, Idols Defaced: How
Communal Pot Is Kept Boiling In Bihar
Aug 22, 2015
Police records in Bihar show ways in which
communal pot was kept boiling
In clashes since the BJP-JD (U) split,
triggers show a trend: animal parts in places of worship, vandalism and revival
of disputes long forgotten
From throwing carcasses of animals in
places of worship to digging up buried issues, police records in Bihar have
listed a variety of ways in which communal tension appears to have been
deliberately kept on the boil ever since the BJP-JD(U) ruling coalition split
on June 18, 2013.
The Indian Express examined these records during
a journey through 18 districts in western Bihar that witnessed nearly 70% of
the “communal incidents” recorded since June 2013. And found four visible
strands running through the 667 “communal incidents” recorded since June 2013:
The Carcass: How 2 Villages Flared Up In
Until the second half of 2013, Chakmajahid
and Bhanpur Brewa, villages 40 minutes apart in Vaishali and with a significant
Muslim presence, were not tagged by police as communally sensitive. Then, two
incidents within 11 days changed everything.
On September 19 that year, the carcass of a
pig was found inside a mosque under construction in Bhanpur Brewa, a hamlet of
Muslims and Dalits (Vaishali has the highest density of Dalits in north Bihar
On September 30, scores of Hindus and
Muslims pelted stones at each other following an alleged incident of cow
slaughter in the Yadav-dominated Chakmajahid.
The temperature rose again in Chakmajahid
on July 31, 2014, when posters appeared on the wall of a mosque with this
expletive-ridden line: “….. Kasai gai katna bandh karo” (Butchers stop killing
cows). Incidentally, VHP leader Pravin Togadia was in Mahua, 5 km from
Chakmajahid, on May 28, 2015, to address a rally organised by the Gau
Mohammed Inulhaq, who is in his 80s and
lives near the mosque in Bhanpur Brewa, said the discovery of the carcass was
the first such incident of its kind in the village in his memory. “There was a
lot of tension, but I broke that by asking police to remove the carcass and three
feet of soil from that spot. The difficulty was in making others from the
village understand,” he said. “This was the first time we (Hindus and Muslims)
looked at each other with suspicion,” he added.
In Chakmajahid, Mohammed Avid, sitting on a
charpoy outside his house opposite the mosque, recalled that the inflammatory
posters “were all over the wall”. “We first saw them when we went for morning
Namaz. We informed the police after which senior officers came and pacified the
crowd,” he said.
Since then, the daily roster of the Mahua
police station contains the same opening entry: patrol Chakmajahid.
Postscript: The Moradabad riots in 1980,
believed to have been the most violent in the state after 1947, were triggered
after a pig was let loose inside a mosque. The Provincial Armed Constabulary
refused to remove it, leading to clashes. Official records pegged the number of
deaths at 400 although over 3,000 were unofficially tagged as dead.
The Procession: 50m Away, Route Was
Muzaffarpur’s Baigni village is separated
from the nearest police station in Katra by a wobbly bamboo bridge over the
Bagmati river and a 7-km dirt track. To reach Baigni, police cross the bridge
on foot and get into a jeep outside a hut on the other side.
It was through this route that they rushed
to the village on May 21, 2014, when the annual Mahaviri Jhanda procession
ended in the first “communal incident” here.
According to police records, the procession
was threading its way out of Baigni chowk towards the destination, or Jhanda
Sthal, when the organisers revealed they were tweaking the route to move past
the local mosque. The original route would have had the procession turn into a
road 50 metres from the mosque. And the new twist ended in stone-throwing and
According to police sources, the organisers
had planned a repeat on May 21 this year for the procession coming from
Darbhanga with “holy water” but were foiled by the district administration.
“They insisted on taking the route next to the mosque but we did not allow it
since they did not have the licence,” said a police source.
Today, patrolling in Baigni has become a
permanent daily fixture on the police duty roster. Police sources said that “mobilisation around
the Saraswati Puja and Mahavir jhanda processions has increased” in all the 18
districts that The Indian Express visited.
The Defaced Idol: A Cut Nose and
Aurangabad’s Daudnagar, named after Daud
Khan, the local general of Mughal emperor Aurangazeb, was one of the four spots
in the state where a Hanuman idol was defaced the night before November 4,
2014. That 3-m idol, which stands on a one-foot-wide strip next to Ranji
Prasad’s general store in Churi Bazar, is painted in dark red, so dark that it
was almost invisible around 8 pm when The Indian Express reached the spot.
Also read: Bloodstains in temple, carcass
in graveyard and processions of hate
“Around 4 am that day, some devotees found
the idol’s nose missing. The suspicion fell on Muslims who had taken out a
Muharram procession the previous night,” said Prasad. “The devotees questioned
the Muslims and that led to violence involving country-made guns and bombs.”
Records at the Daudnagar police station
match Prasad’s account and state that a curfew was imposed in Daudnagar for
three days following the incident.
The graveyard: Dead disputes get new life
Apart from throwing carcasses in places of
worship, tweaking procession routes and defacing idols, another method of
inciting communal tension in Bihar has been the recent widening of existing
Look at what happened in Phulwariya
village, in Motihari’s Dhaka, near the Nepal border. Police records, endorsed
by residents, state that an undercurrent of communal tension has existed here
since 1957 when a dispute first arose over the presence of a small temple, or
Brahmasthan, in the middle of a Quabristan (graveyard for Muslims)
Hindus and Muslims have been offering
prayers at the location without incident since the 1980s. Then April 26, 2015,
That day, a 24-hour Puja was organised at
the Brahmasthan as thanksgiving after a youth cleared the recruitment exam for
a government job. This led to tension between the communities, with the
district administration trying to defuse the situation by suggesting a
permanent fence to separate the sites. But local MLA Pawan Jaiswal cited a 1957
court order to block the move.
The graveyard lies adjacent to the home of
Jaiswal, who quit the JD(U) recently to join the BJP. “I did not want to take
sides,” said Jaiswal. “All I said was there is a court order that says there
should be no fencing. It should be decided by the elders of both communities.
One side did not agree to my suggestions, I will not name that side. But I have
averted at least 10 riots by pacifying the Hindu community in the last two
Asked about the recent incident, Jaiswal
said: “There was no communal riot, it was a minor incident. But there was
definitely a political conspiracy to drag me into it so that my secular image
is tarnished. Since I became an MLA, I have fenced 17 Quabristans,” said
If it was a 48-year-old dispute that was
rekindled in Phulwariya, what’s been revived in Silaon, on the way to Rajgir in
Nalanda, is a dispute that dates back to 1932. The tussle in Silaon, a village
with less than 20% Muslims, involves a temple located in one corner of a
four-acre graveyard. On January 11, 2015, Hindus living on the edge of the land
clashed with Muslims who tried to avail a government scheme to fence the
“We’ve never had an issue with our neighbours,”
said Mohammed Sajad Alam of Silaon. “It is unfortunate. But I also understand
that we have to live together.”
Mohan Kumar, another resident, suggested
that the pot was still boiling. “Our road to the temple goes through the
Quabristan. How will we go there if they fence it? Why doesn’t the government
think about Hindus?” he said.
The records indicate a coordinated pattern:
80 incidents of communal tension related to procession routes were recorded
between January 2013 and June 2015
Pieces of animal carcass and bones dumped
in places of worship, religious processions through communally sensitive areas
and attempts to redraw old fault lines. The poll pot may have begun to boil in
Bihar, but what’s been really bubbling in the state since the JD(U) and BJP
split on June 18, 2013 is a series of deliberate attempts to polarise the
atmosphere on communal lines.
According to police records accessed by The
Indian Express, the number of “communal instances” related to disruptions in
places of worship, vandalising of idols, and disputes over land linked to
graveyards, temples and mosques, was just 37 between January 2010 and June 18,
But since then — until June 30, 2015 — it
jumped nearly four times to 139.
The records also indicate a coordinated
pattern: 80 incidents of communal tension related to procession routes were
recorded between January 2013 and June 2015, nearly three times the number (30)
between January 2010 and December 2012.
Besides, these incidents also include what
appears to be deliberate attempts to revive fault lines — in one village in
Nalanda, a 83-year-old dispute involving a temple bordering a graveyard came
alive this January.
If the big picture was to be encapsulated
in one line, it’s this: four Hanuman idols were vandalised in four corners of
the state — Aurangabad, Muzaffarpur, Nawada and Bhagalpur — on the same night,
before November 4, 2014, the day Muslims marked Muharram that year.
Animal Parts In Temples, Mosques
Aug 14, 2013, Sathi PS, Bettiah: Carcass
of a pig found in a Muslim graveyard.
Aug 14, 2013, Dhaka PS, Motihari: Pig
carcass found in Muslim graveyard.
Dec 10, 2013, Naubatpur PS, Patna:
Hanuman idol found garlanded with pieces of beef.
Mar 3, 2014, Town PS, Kishanganj:
Bloodstains of bovine animal in the vicinity of Kali temple.
Mar 16, 2014, Chandauti PS, Gaya:
Burning pieces of unknown object thrown inside the premises of mosque by
Aug 23, 2014, Bhabhua PS, Kaimur:
Bloodstained feathers of fowl thrown inside the premises of a temple.
Oct 6, 2014, Town PS, Kishanganj: On
Bakrid, a piece from a cow’s leg found near Uttarpali Kali temple.
Oct 10, 2014, Khijarsarai PS, Gaya: Bone
of bovine animal thrown at the doorstep of Hanuman temple.
Nov 30, 2014, Bahadurganj PS,
Kishanganj: Head of dead cow found behind a temple.
Apr 1, 2015, Sheikpura: Piece of beef
found in Shiva temple.
VANDALISM of PLACES OF WORSHIP
Feb 9, 2014, Chainpur PS, Kaimur:
Clothes of Hindu goddess removed and placed outside the temple.
Mar 12-13, 2014, Khijarsarai PS, Gaya: Female
deity and shivling damaged.
June 5, 2014, Karpi PS, Arwal: Boundary
wall of idgah damaged.
Oct 25, 2014, Barari PS, Katihar: Kali
temple in Rajapakar vandalised.
Nov 3-4, 2014, Mehasi PS, Motihari:
Hanuman idol damaged, stone-pelting between two communities during tazia
Nov 3, 2014, Lodipur, Bhagalpur: Goddess
Kali temple vandalised.
Nov 4, 2014, Kudhani PS, Muzaffarpur:
Tension after Hindus accuse Muslims of damaging Hanuman idols.
Nov 4-5, 2014, Pakribaran PS, Nawada:
Stone-pelting between groups after Hanuman idol is partially damaged.
Nov 10-11, 2014, Bariyarpur PS, Munger:
Idols of Ram-Laxman and Hanuman damaged.
Nov 11, 2014, Durgawati PS, Kaimur:
Statue of Shiva temple stolen.
Read full investigation here: BIHAR
SIMMERS BEFORE POLLS
Feb 5, 2014, Mahishi PS, Saharsa:
Stone-pelting between the two communities over Saraswati idol immersion
March 2, 2014, Pakribarawan PS, Nawada:
Shivaratri procession leads to communal
clashes over diversion of predetermined route.
Sept 7, 2014, Badhariya PS, Siwan:
Tension after Mahaviri Akhada procession passes in front of mosque in
Chainchapra village at the time of namaz.
Sept 18, 2014, Kajraili PS, Bhagalpur:
Immersion procession of Vishwakarma idol is opposed by Muslims as it passes
through Kajrali village.
Sept 19, 2014, Manigachhi PS, Darbhanga:
Clashes after stones are pelted at Vishwakarma procession.
Oct 6, 2014, Uchkagaon PS, Gopalganj:
Unknown people pelt stones at Mahaviri Akhada procession as it passes by Nawada
Parsauni mosque, triggering clashes.
Oct 25, 2014, Sahar PS, Bhojpur:
Immersion procession of Goddess Lakshmi stopped in Sahar Bazar.
Nov 4, 2014, Jainagar PS, Madhubani:
Stone-pelting over tazia procession route.
Nov 4, 2014, Sindhwalia PS, Gopalganj:
Immersion procession of Goddess Durga opposed by Muslims.
Nov 15, 2014, Nanpur PS, Sitamarhi:
Stones pelted at Mahaviri Jhanda procession in Pokhra village.
Nothing To Do With Break-Up, Nitish
Government Has Lost Control Over Police, Says Sushil Modi
By Appu Esthose Suresh
22 August 2015
Bihar’s BJP chief Sushil Kumar tells
Appu Esthose Suresh that the major reason for the rise in number of communal
incidents in Bihar is a lack of governance.
Police records show that since the
BJP-JD(U) alliance broke up in 2013, the number of communal incidents in Bihar
has tripled. What are your comments?
It has nothing to do with the break-up.
Basically, what has happened after the split is that the present government has
lost control over the police administration. The normal crime rate has also
gone up, so it is not just communal incidents.
In fact, general lawlessness has gone back
to the 2005 period, when the progressive alliance took over the reigns from the
RJD. Look at the rate of cognisable offences, rapes, dacoities — all these have
seen an increase. After the alliance broke up, Nitish Kumar has devoted himself
to political management. So the major reason for the rise in communal incidents
is a lack of governance.
The pattern of violence shows that the
number of communal incidents increased almost tenfold in districts that had
seen less than a handful of such episodes from January 2010 until the split.
What are the reasons for this?
As I said, Bihar is suffering from
lawlessness. Let us take the figures. Look at the cognisable offences — in
2005, it was 1, 47,778; in 2013, it became 1, 84,961 and in 2014, it rose to
1,95,24. The number of rape cases was 973 in 2005; 1,128 in 2013; and 1,127 in
2014. The number of dacoity cases stood at 224 in 2005; 240 in 2013 and 265 in
2014. Similarly, the number of murder cases was 3,423 in 2005 and 3,441 in
Read full investigation here: BIHAR SIMMERS
So what it shows is since 2013, when the
alliance broke up, the state has gone backwards to the 2005 scenario. It
explains why there has been an increase in communal incidents as the
lawlessness has spread to the entire state while the administration is weak.
Many of these communal incidents have been
in regions where the Muslim population is less than the state average. They are
also regions where the BJP made gains in 2014. So did the BJP benefit from this
Our victory has nothing to do with
polarisation. If we are talking about polarisation, let’s take the case of
Katihar and Araria. There the Hindu votes got divided; otherwise there was no
chance for Tariq Anwar (NCP) in Katihar. And these places have a high Muslim
But Katihar and Araria also had the lowest
number of communal incidents.
It is for you to see the data and
Police records indicate that in at least
two instances, including Jehanabad, people with clear links to the Sangh
Parivar had mobilised rioters. Do you approve of their actions?
The RJD team that visited Jehanabad blamed
the police for inefficiency. It was totally the fault of police and the
administration that they could not resolve the issue. And naturally, with the
VHP being close to the BJP, they become the favourite whipping boys. Being a
Hindu organisation, they would be active in solving the problems of the Hindu
society but that is not the same as rioting.